REESE  LIBRARY 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


Class 


-11— u— I1--U     U     UI.U'U"!? 


THE   REPUBLIC 

OF   THE 

UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA: 

ITS    DUTIES    TO    ITSELF, 

AND 

ITS  RESPONSIBLE  RELATIONS  TO   OTHER   COUNTRIES. 


EMBRACING    ALSO    A 


REVIEW  OF  THE  LATE  WAR 

BETWEEN  THE   UNITED   STATES   AND   MEXICO-, 

ITS  CAUSES  AND  RESULTS; 


AND   OF   THOSE 


MEASURES    OF    GOVERNMENT   WHICH    HAVE    CHARACTERIZED   THE 


DEMOCRACY  OF  THE  UNION. 


NEW    YORK: 
D.  APPLETON  AND   CO.,  200  BROADWAY. 

PHILADELPHIA: 

GEO.  S.  APPLETON,  164  CHESNUT  ST. 

1848. 


.0 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1848,  by 
D.  APPLETON   AND  COMPANY, 

In    the   Clerk's   Office    of    the  District  Court   of   the  United  States  for 
the  Southern  District  of  New  York. 


STEREOTYPED  AT   THE 
BOSTON  TYPE   AND    STEREOTYPE   FOUNDRY. 


TO  THE 

.  2amc0   Bucljanan, 

OF  PENNSYLVANIA: 
6V/J£>j./  '      f        y  y          '    /• 

rrwn     a     t<*4c  afoniectafo&n     ^ 

ff  l  /  f! 

ta/enfo  ana    exfendtve    attatswmenfo  ;     of  HM 

/ 

4>      fl     /  •  •  / 

?    a4    a    dfafetnian  }*>.  oj-      /wa    enciawj    and 

??/    a4    a    citizen,    ana    o/    -/i>i-3    tnedtw. 


, 

ad    a    man,     tfw4    v&uvmt 

ne 


213351 


PREFACE. 


IN  preparing  this  volume  for  the  press,  the  author 
has  been  encouraged  by  others  in  the  belief  that  his 
humble  labors  might  prove  useful  to  his  fellow-citi 
zens,  in  leading  them  to  contemplate  the  institutions 
of  their  country  as  sacred  trusts,  to  be  honored  by 
duty,  and  protected  by  patriotism.  It  has  been  his 
aim  to  invest  citizenship  with  those  traits  of  character 
which  give  dignity  to  man,  and  to  illustrate  those 
great  and  eternal  truths  which  give  growth,  power, 
and  glory  to  nations.  He  has  endeavored  to  define 
man,  in  his  relations  to  external  objects  and  to  Deity, 
as  a  being  of  accountability  and  improvement ;  and 
nations,  as  the  mighty  aggregates  of  the  conven 
tional  powers  of  humanity,  which  are  combined, 
shaped,  and  directed  by  the  hand  of  that  Providence 
vhich  marks  its  way  only  in  harmony  with  the 
aniversal  principles  of  truth  and  of  progress.  How 
far  he  has  succeeded  in  his  design  he  leaves  for  others 
-o  judge.  He  claims  no  favor  but  the  admission  of 
dis  sincerity,  and  no  merit  but  in  the  purity  of  his 
notives. 


VI  PREFACE. 

Having  designed  an  extended  history  of  the  late 
war  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  and 
being  engaged  in  collecting  materials  in  view  of  its 
execution,  the  author  was  induced,  by  the  superior 
judgment  of  others,  to  give  form  to  the  present 
volume,  briefly  treating  of  important  subjects  within 
a  compass  that  should  be  available,  to  the  great  mass 
of  the  people.  The  suggestion  was  a  recent  one, 
and  the  work  has  been  prepared  with  a  rapidity, 
which,  though  prudence  might  not  approve,  necessity 
made  requisite  and  imperative. 

The  author  makes  his  grateful  acknowledgments 
to  the  Hon.  Robert  J.  Walker,  to  the  Hon.  R.  H. 
Gillet,  and  to  other  distinguished  gentlemen,  for 
their  aid,  counsel,  and  encouragement  in  the  prose 
cution  of  the  humble  undertaking.  If  he  has  accom 
plished  any  good  purpose,  it  is  but  just  that  the 
public  should  know  the  source  of  its  indebtedness. 

October,  1848. 


CONTENTS. 


Page 

DEDICATION, iii 

PREFACE, v 

INTRODUCTORY, 1 

Formation  of  nations, 1 

Christian  nations, ..4 

Population  of  the  earth, 4 

Growth  of  nations,  force  of  example,.... 5 

RESPONSIBLE  DUTIES  AND  RELATIONS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 7 

The  pioneer, 7 

Columbus    and    the   Puritans,   great    pioneers    of  the    fifteenth    and 

seventeenth  centuries, 8 

The  Puritans  and  the  Indians, 10 

Civilization  —  what, 13 

Responsibility  involves  a  knowledge  of  the  conditions  of  growth, 15 

American  colonies  —  their  different  forms  of  government, 16 

Organization  of  a  national  government, 19 

Constitution  of  the  "United  States, 21 

The  indissoluble  nature  of  the  Union, 23 

The  Constitution  of  United  States, 24 

Our  government  the  rule  of  the  people, 26 

The  destiny  of  our  nation, 28 

REVIEW   OF  THE   LATE   WAR  WITH   MEXICO, 30 

What  is  the  nature  of  war  ? 31 

View  of  Christian  nations  of  war, 31,  39 

What  we  may  learn  from  analogy, 33 

The  cause  of  peace, 37 

THE  CAUSES  OF  THE  WAR, 43 

Cause  and  effect, 43 

Ancient  Mexico, 45 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 

Page 

Modern  Mexico, 47 

Iturbide,  character  of —  "  Plan  of  Iguala," 49 

Mr.  "Webster's  opinion  of  Mexico  —  note, 50 

President  Madison's  view  of  the  war  with  Great  Britain  in  1812, 53 

John  Quincy  Adams's  opinion  of  the  causes  of  the  Chinese  war, 54 

Independence  and  annexation  of  Texas  —  annexation  no  cause  of  war,.  .55 

Letter  of  Hon.  R.  J.  Walker  to  the  people  of  Kentucky,  1844, 58 

Assumed  position  and  national  relations  of  Mexico, 60 

Views  of  Mr.  "Webster,  Mr.  Clay,  R.  Johnson, 60,  61,  62 

March  to  the  Rio  Grande,  no  cause, 63 

Comparative  view  of  the  acts  of  the  two  governments, 64 

Oregon    question  —  England,    France,    Mexico,    Texas,    and    United 

States, 65 

Relations  between  the  United  States  and  Texas, 65 

Assurance  of  the  United  States  of  protection  to  Texas, 67 

Orders  of  United  States  —  for  protection  of  Texas  —  to  army  and  navy,.  67 

The  Rio  Grande  to  be  occupied  by  our  troops,, 68 

United  States  squadron  ordered  to  cooperate  in  the  defence  of  Texas, ...69 

Terms  of  annexation  accepted  by  government  and  people  of  Texas, 70 

General  Taylor  advised  of  annexation, 71 

The  choice  of  the  Texans, .71 

Free  action  of  the  Texans  —  annexation  a  bloodless  achievement, 72 

Foreign  interference — prompt  action  necessary, 73 

Positions  of  United  States  and  Mexico,  after  annexation, 74 

DISPOSITIONS  OF  MEXICO,  AS  MANIFESTED  TOWARDS  UNITED  STATES,.. 76 

Chagrin  of  Mexico  —  her  mode  of  warfare, 78 

Addresses  of  Arista  and  Paredes  to  Mexican  army, 79 

Communication  across  the  frontier  forbidden  by  Mexicans, 81 

Hostility  of  the  Mexicans  notorious, 81 

Vote  of  Congress  for  annexation, 81 

United  States  army  required  to  retire  beyond  the  Nueces, 82 

PREVAILING  SPIRIT  OF  UNITED  STATES  TOWARDS  MEXICO, 82 

Pledge  of  amity  of  the  United  States  government, 83 

Acts  of  hostility  forbidden  by  the  United  States  government,, .83 

Order  for  defence — not  invasion, 83 

Order  to  spare  Mexican  establishments, 84 

Order  to  avoid  aggression  —  to  protect  Texas, 84 

Assurance  of  General   Taylor  that  friendly  relations    should  not  be 

interrupted, 85 

Government  of  United    States   proposes    to  negotiate  —  appointment 

of  Mr.  Slidell, 85 

Proposal  of  the  United   States   government,  to  restore  friendly  rela 
tions,  to  Mr.  Black, 87 

How   the  proposition  was  received — apprehensions  of  Mexican  gov 
ernment, 88 


CONTENTS.  IX 

Pago 

Mexico  assents  to  the  proposition  to  negotiate, 89 

Withdrawal  of  the  naval  forces  of  United  States  from  before  Vera 

Cruz, 90 

Singular  and  unexpected  reception  of  Mr.  Slidell, 91 

Embarrassing  position  of  United  States  minister  —  Mexican  diplomacy,.. 92 

Mexico  refuses  to  fulfil  its  engagements, 96 

Folly  of  Mexico  —  prudence  and  patience  advised  by  United  States 

government, 97 

Honorable  effort   and   perseverance    still  advised   by   United   States 

government, 98 

Revolution  in  Mexico  —  Paredes  in  power, 100 

United  States   and  Great  Britain  —  duplicity  of  the  Mexican  govern 
ment, 100 

"Weakness  of  Paredes  —  approval  of  General  Taylor's  advance, 101 

Solicitations  for  negotiation  renewed  by  Mr.  Slidell, 101 

Mr.  Slidell  instructed  still  to  persevere, 103 

United  States  minister  again  refused  by  Mexico, 104 

Letters  of  Mr.  Castillo  y  Lanzas, ; . .  105 

Mexican  government  without  excuse  or  defence, 106 

The  rejected  mission  of  peace, 106 

Was  the  United  States  government  just  to  Mexico  on  the  subject  of 

boundary, 112 

How  is  Texas  bounded  ? 113 

Has  Texas  a  just  claim  to  make  the  Rio  Grande  her  boundary, 116 

Recognition  of  new  governments  —  principles  involved, 118 

Treaty  of  Santa  Anna, 118 

Importance  and  sacredness  of  treaties, » 120 

Treaty  of  Santa  Anna  on  the  side  of  humanity, 121 

Position  of  the  United  States  in  relation  to  boundary, 121 

Precautionary  acts  of  the  United  States  government, 122 

Occupation  on  the  Rio  Grande  advised  by  Mr.  Donelson,. 123 

Troops  requested  for  the  protection  of  Texas, 123 

Solicitude  of  Texas  in  regard  to  means  of  defence, 123 

Defence  of  Texas  ordered  by  the  government  of  the  United  States,....  124 

Posts  suggested  on  the  Rio  Grande  by  Mr.  Donelson, 124 

Rio  Grande  recognized  by  United  States  as  the  boundary  of  Texas,....  124 

Rio  Grande  question  anticipated, 125 

Posts  on  the  Rio  Grande  advised  by  Texas, 125 

Prudential  suggestions  in  regard  to  the  use  of  force, 126 

If  peace  measures  fail,  war  justifiable, 126 

Entire  protection  to  Texas  enforced  by  the  United  States  government,.  126 

Mexicans  to  be  driven  beyond  the  Rio  Grande  in  case  of  invasion, 127 

Frontier  posts  to  be  established  by  General  Taylor  aided  by  Texas, ....  127 
Vigilance  of  General  Taylor  in  protecting  boundary  to  Rio  Grande,...  .127 
Crossing  Rio  Grande  by  Mexicans  —  commencement  of  hostilities,  ....  127 
Solicitude  of  the  United  States  government  that   Texas  should  be 
protected  to  the  Rio  Grande, 128 


X  CONTENTS. 

Page 

No  boundary  thought  of  by  General  Taylor  but  the  Rio  Grande, 128 

Letter  of  advice  of  General  Taylor  to  advance  to  the  Rio  Grande, 129 

Discretionary  power  given  to  General  Taylor, 131 

General  Taylor  ordered  to  advance  to  the  Rio  Grande, 132 

Jpinion  of  General  Taylor  approving  the  order, 132 

Opinion  of  Mr.  Slidell  approving  the  order, 133 

General  Taylor  anticipates  no  resistance, 133 

Rio  Grande  not  to  be  crossed  by  United  States  troops  unless  attacked,. .133 

Decided  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  Mexicans, 134 

Occupation  of  left  bank  of  Rio  Grande, 134 

Hostile  attitude  of  the  Mexicans  —  battery  erected  by  General  Taylor,. 135 

General  Taylor  summoned  by  Ampudia  to  withdraw, 136 

Commencement  of  hostilities  by  Mexico, 136 

Views  of  General  Taylor  in  respect  to  first  acts  of  hostility, 137 

PROSECUTION  OP  THE  -WAR  —  MILITARY  POWER, 139 

Military  power  of  the  United  States, 141 

Achievements    of  the  army  —  government   of   the   United    States  — 

General  Cass  quoted, 144 

Return  of  Santa  Anna, 148 

Positions  of  opponents  to  the  war  considered, 148 

The  soldier's  position  —  the  fallen  soldier, 148 

Let  the  soldier's  grave  be  honored, 149 

JUSTICE  OF  THE  WAR,  AND  ITS  RESULTS, 150 

Justice,  what  it  is  to  nations, 150 

Duties  of  nations  —  elements  of  national  existence, 150 

Escape  of  Mexico  from  a  war  in  1837, 155 

Mexico  saved  by  the  war  —  gain,  what,  to  the  Unite'd  States, 162 

The  war  one  of  justice  and  humanity, 164 

PARTY  VIEWS  AND  PARTY  PRINCIPLES, 166 

Parties  either  permanent  or  transient, 167 

The  two  great  parties  in  this  country, 169 

Their  features,  history  of, 169 

CONSTITUTIONAL  TREASURY  —  THE  CURRENCY, 175 

Whig  party  —  Webster,  Clay  —  note, 171 

Success  of  the  constitutional  treasury,  its  importance, 180 

FREE  TRADE  —  TARIFF  OF  1846, 181 

Principles  of  free  trade  —  industry  —  national  prosperity, 182 

Indebtedness  of  the  country  to  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  Hon. 
R.  J.Walker, 187 


CONTENTS.  XI 


APPENDIX. 

Page 

Declaration  of  rights, 189 

The  press,  railroad,  and  telegraph, 192 

Extract  from  a  speech  of  Hon.  H.  V.  Johnson, 193 

Extract  from  a  speech  of  Hon.  Mr.  Hunter, 194 

Extract  from  a  speech  of  Hon.  R.  Jt)hnson, 195 

"  Plan  of  Iguala," 195 

Mexican  aggressions, , 197 

Treaty  between  Texas  and  Santa  Anna, 218 

Extract  from  Hon.  R.  J.  Walker's  letter  (of  1844), 221 

Texas  once  a  part  of  the  Union, 221 

Reports  of  Adams  and  Clay, 221 

Resolutions  of  Congress  annexing  Texas, 226 

Acts  of  Texas  —  annexation, 228 

Texas,  England,  and  France, 231 

Mexican  circulars, 236 

Mr.  Slidell's  letter  of  credence, 238 

Letter  of  Mr.  Pena  y  Pena, 239 

Mr.  Slidell  to  Mr.  Pena  y  Pena, 240 

Mr.  Pena  y  Pena  to  the  council, 252 

Mr.  Black  to  Mr.  Slidell, 255 

Extract  from  President  Polk's  message — boundary  of  Texas, 258 

Proclamation  of  General  Woll, 260 

Extract  from  General  Rusk's  speech, 261 

Acts  of  Texas  —  defining  boundary, 267 

Minutes  of  an  interview  between  General  Worth  and  General  Vega,. .  .269 

Correspondence  between  Generals  Taylor  and  Ampudia, 274 

Extract  from  Mr.  Buchanan's  letter  on  the  prosecution  of  the  war,.... 279 

Number  of  troops  in  the  war,  losses,  deaths,  &c., 281 

John  Quincy  Adams  and  the  Chinese  war, 285 

Treaty  of  peace 286 

Extract  from  President  Polk's  message  in  regard  to  New  Mexico  and 

Upper  California, 302 

Extract  from  the  letter  of  acceptance  of  General  Cass, 303 

Baltimore  Convention, 305 

A  statement  of  the  receipts  of  the  United  States  from  the  4th  March, 

1789,  to  30th  June,  1844, 310 

A  statement  of  expenditures  of  the  Uuited  States  from  the  4th  March, 

1789,  to  30th  June,  1844, 314 

Defalcations  of  the  United  States  treasury,  from  1789  to  1837, 318 

Receipts  in  specie,  from  1st  January,  1847,  to  30th  June,  1848 319 

Statement  of  the  amount  of  coinage  at  the  United  States  mint  and 

branches,  from  1st  January,  1847,  to  30th  June,  1848, 319 


Xli  CONTENTS. 

Pago 
Extract  from  an  address  by  Judge  Woodbury,  on  the  remedies  for 

certain  defects  in  American  education, 319 

Comparative  view   of  the  receipts    into    the  treasury  from  customs 

under  the  tariffs  of  1842  and  1846 322 


INTRODUCTORY. 


FORMATION    OP   NATIONS. 

A  CIVILIZED  nation  is  a  momentous  combination  of  parts, 
of  countless  powers  and  influences  that  encircle  the  globe, 
and  extend  from  the  equator  to  the  poles.  It  is  an  individual 
being,  and  yet  it  is  the  imbodiment  of  millions  of  the  human 
race.  Its  boundaries  are  marked  upon  the  earth,* its  resources 
upon  the  page,  but  its  myriads  of  eyes  look  with  an  illim- 
ited  vision  into  the  unmeasured  regions  of  space  and  of  time. 
It  is  single  in  its  organization,  and  yet  its  capacity  is  as  multi 
form  as  the  subjects  and  objects  of  the  universe, —  extending 
out  from  itself  active  causes  of  progress  to  the  world,  and 
standing  as  its  own  conservator.  It  is  circumscribed  in  its 
territory,  but  it  is  infinite  in  its  relations  and  influences.  Its 
interests  are  as  diversified  as  the  blessings  of  creation,  embra 
cing  all  that  is  within  the  pebble  and  the  mountain,  the  mite 
and  the  man. 

The  divine  faculties  of  the  soul,  in  their  highest  conceptions 
of  truth,  beauty,  and  wisdom,  make  up  its  existence,  and 
constitute  the  elements  of  its  growth.  The  natural  world  in 
its  grandeur  and  life-yielding  fruits  ;  the  living  creatures  of 
the  earth,  air,  and  water ;  man,  whether  as  an  individual,  or  as 
a  member  of  a  family,  a  neighborhood,  or  state  ;  whether  as 
a  citizen  or  a  ruler ;  as  an  exponent  of  natural  or  conventional 
law,  —  all  are  made  to  subserve  the  nation,  and  through  the 
nation  the  world,  and  through  the  world  its  Maker. 

It  is  a  beautiful  truth  that  all  may  see  who  have  surveyed 
"the  unbounded  scheme  of  things," 


2  FORMATION    OF    NATIONS. 

that  every  existence,  however  great  or  small,  that  comes  from 
creative  wisdom,  is  perfect  in  itself,  and  made  for  admirable 
ends.  Nothing  is  left  to  accident.  All  is  made  for  progress. 

If  we  look  to  the  beginning  of  things,  our  reason  leads  to 
the  belief  "  in  the  gradual  development  of  the  powers  of 
nature,  and  in  the  adaptation  of  living  beings  to  the  progress 
of  that  development." 

The  earth,  from  a  mass  of  inert  matter,  has  become  what 
we  behold  it.  Endowed  with  inherent  power,  vegetation  soon 
covered  its  surface  with  herbs,  and  fruits,  and  flowers  ;  beauti 
fying  its  valleys,  and  clothing  its  mountains  with  stately  trees 
and  fragrant  shrubs.  The  rocks  with  rude  features  walled  up 
the  fearful  precipices,  and  lined  the  subterraneous  caverns. 
The  elements  were  soon  ruled  in  order,  surrounding  and  filling 
it  with  their  mysterious  life  and  agency.  The  springs  and 
rivers  were  opened  ;  the  waters  of  the  mighty  deep  were 
placed,  and  the  tides  were  made  to  ebb  and  flow  ;  invisible  air 
moved  the  rising  vapor  and  the  yielding  tree  ;  and  heat 
warmed  all  into  growth  and  being.  Then  came  the 

"powerful  king  of  day, 


Rejoicing  in  the  east."- 


And  in  its  absence,  the  modest  moon  lighted  up  the  earth  with 
its  milder  rays,  while  unnumbered  stars  shone  from  the  vaulted 
sky,  and  filled  all  space  with  gems  of  light.  Seasons  were 
measured,  and  time  was  marked  by  days  and  nights. 

Thus  was  the  earth  prepared  for  man,  and  "  for  every  living 
creature  after  his  kind."  It  is  not  within  our  province,  in  this 
connection,  to  note  the  successive  growths  of  ages  of  the 
natural  world,  or  to  trace  the  physical  and  mental  causes  which 
produced  them.  It  is  a  study,  however,  fraught  with  beauty 
and  instruction,  an 

"  Effusive  source  of  evidence  and  truth." 

So  far  as  analogical  examples  will  aid  us  in  understanding 
man  in  his  relations  of  destiny  and  duty,  we  shall  avail  our 
selves  of  this  source  of  truth,  speaking  as  it  does  the  language 
of  divinity. 


FORMATION    OF    NATIONS.  3 

In  discussing  the  important  topics  which  we  have  chosen 
for  consideration,  it  is  our  purpose  to  observe  those  rules  of 
evidence  which  have  been  sanctioned  by  science.  Our 
objects  are  those  of  truth  and  duty,  and  if  we  err,  the  reader 
must  measure  to  us  that  favor  which  he  would  ask  for  himself, 
ascribing  whatever  may  seem  amiss  to  that  weakness  which  is 
common  to  us  all. 

It  has  been  a  source  of  regret  in  all  ages  of  inquiry,  that  no 
records  of  the  early  condition  of  man  were  made,  or,  if  made, 
preserved.  It  is  an  obvious  truth,  that  reconciles  us  to  this 
want,  that  prescience  was  not  given  to  man  in  his  ignorance, 
and  that  we  have  no  just  reason  to  look  for  a  record  of.  knowl 
edge  from  those  who  did  not  recognize  its  power,  or  foresee 
its  uses. 

It  is  quite  true,  as  is  stated  by  the  learned  Dr.  Tytler,  that 
"  all  accounts  of  the  early  history  of  single  nations  trace  them 
back  to  a  state  of  rudeness  and  barbarism,  which  argues  a  new 
and  infant  establishment ;  and  we  must  conclude  that  to  be 
true  with  respect  to  the  whole,  which  we  find  to  be  true  with 
respect  to  all  its  parts.  But  to  delineate  the  characters  of  this 
early  state  of  society,  to  trace  distinctly  the  steps  by  which 
population  extended  over  the  whole  surface  of  the  habitable 
globe  ;  the  separation  of  mankind  into  tribes  and  nations  ;  the 
causes  which  led  to  the  formation  of  the  first  kingdoms  ;  and 
the  precise  times  when  they  were  formed  —  are  matters,  of  in 
quiry  for  which  neither  sacred  nor  profane  histoiy  affords  us 
that  amplitude  of  information  which  is  necessary  for  giving 
clear  and  positive  ideas.  But  while  we  travel  through  those 
remote  periods  of  the  history  of  an  infant  world,  making  the 
best  of  those  lights  we  can  procure,  we  have  the  comfort  of 
thinking  that,  in  proportion  as  man  advances  from  barbarism 
to  civilization,  in  proportion  as  history  becomes  useful  or  in 
structive,  its  certainty  increases,  and  its  materials  become  more 
authentic  and  more  abundant." 

Society,  as  originally  formed,  was  made  up  of  families,  each 
having  its  parental  head.  As  man  was  fitted  to  associate  with 


4  FORMATION    OF    NATIONS. 

his  kind,  the  next  development  was  the  social  circle  —  friend 
with  friend,  and  neighbor  with  neighbor.  Increase  of  numbers 
led  to  diversity  of  interests,  and  tribes  \vere  formed,  each  as 
senting  to  conventional  rules,  and  yielding  certain  rights  to  all, 
that  they  were  unwilling  to  yield  to  each  other.  As  it  was 
with  individual  and  family  interests,  there  soon  arose  the  greater 
interests  of  the  separate  tribes,  and  the  nation  was  the  result, 
—  each  tribe  surrendering  to  all  the  tribes  what  none  would 
yield  to  its  neighbor.  Every  change  opened  to  new  wants 
and  to  new  conditions.  The  mind  naturally  looked  forward  to 
provide  for  the  advancement  of  society  to  its  ultimate  forma 
tion.  Its  progress  was  onward  and  upward.  Nations  were 
multiplied  upon  nations,  —  rising  or  falling  in  their  might  or 
greatness,  in  the  same  degree  that  they  were  true  or  false  to 
their  trusts. 

At  the  present  period,  a  large  portion  of  the  earth  is  con 
trolled  by  the  conventional  powers  of  nations ;  and  yet,  of  a 
population  of  a  thousand  millions,  the  Christians  can  claim 
but  about  one  fifth  of  that  inconceivable  number.* 

Nations  have  advanced  in  growth  as  independent  existences, 
each  having  its  own  laws  and  institutions,  according  to  its  dis 
tinctive  power  and  genius.  They  have  become  the  conserva 
tors  of  commerce,  science,  and  religion,  throughout  the  world, 
and  the  subject  of  international  law,  though  still  in  its  infancy, 
is  in  rapid  process  of  advancement.  The  individual  is  lost  in 
the  races,  and  the  races  make  up  the  great  question  of  man's 
destiny  —  universal  humanity. 

It  has  become  the  true  province  of  science  to  investigate  not 


*   The  population  of  the  earth  has  been  recently  stated  thus  :  — 


Asia, 585,000,000  ^ 

Europe, 235,000,000  | 

Africa, 110,000,000  I 

America, 50,000,000  > 

Oceanica, 20,000,000 


Total,    1,000,000,000. 


Of 

which 
are 


f  Heathen, 600,000,000 

Mahometans, 140,000,000 

Jews 10,000,000 

Romish  Church,  ..130,000,000 
Greek  Church, . ...  55,000,000 
Protestant  Denomi 
nations,  65,000,000 


FORMATION    OF    NATIONS.  5 

only  the  laws  of  inanimate  matter,  of  the  unmeasured  regions 
of  space,  but  of  the  immortal  soul  itself,  in  the  recesses  of  its 
intellectual,  moral,  and  religious  nature.  Man  is  studied  as 
man,  as  father,  husband,  brother,  friend,  citizen,  magistrate, 
legislator,  and  soldier.  He  is  viewed  as  an  element  of  the 
town,  state,  nation,  world,  and  universe.  Unlimited  and  un 
wearied,  the  spirit  of  inquiry  seeks  to  know  the  rights  of 
men  in  masses,  as  parts  of  a  nation  ;  and  the  rights  of  nations, 
as  parts  of  the  world ;  and  our  relations  to  the  world,  as  the 
children  of  God.* 

In  all  ages,  the  influence  of  example  has  been  acknowledged 
and  inculcated.  It  is  an  incitement  to  sincerity,  an  encourage 
ment  to  duty.  The  only  legacy  which  the  rude  savage  leaves 
to  his  children,  or  to  his  tribe,  is  a  recital  of  his  deeds,  that 
they  may  be  followed  as  the  highest  examples  of  good  of 
which  their  nature  is  capable.  The  good  man  of  the  civilized 
world,  in  his  parting  blessing  to  those  whom  he  loves  best, 
speaks  of  examples  of  goodness  as  more  precious  to  the  form 
ing  man,  than  all  the  visible  treasures  of  the  earth.  It  is  so 
with  nations.  The  examples  of  nations  influence  nations,  and 
each  is  held  responsible,  not  only  to  its  own  subjects  or  citizens, 
but  to  the  world,  and  to  those  eternal  laws  of  right,  which,  in 
the  process  of  moral  change,  will  give  equal  freedom  to  the 
prince  and  to  the  slave. 

Having  made  these  remarks  as  introductory  to  the  subjects 
treated  of  in  the  following  pages,  it  is  now  our  purpose  to 
speak  briefly  of  our  own  country,  of  the  Republic  of  the  United 

*  "Every  generous  emotion,"  says  an  interesting  writer,  "  is  in  its 
nature  elastic,  and  naturally  labors  to  widen  the  sphere  of  its  influ 
ence  :  the  first  impulse 

'  serves  the  virtuous  mind  to  wake, 

As  the  small  pebble  stirs  the  peaceful  lake  ; 
The  centre  moved,  a  circle  straight  succeeds ; 
Another  still,  and  still  another  spreads  ; 
Friend,  parent,  neighbor,  first  it  will  embrace, 
His  country  next,  and  next  all  human  race.'  " 

Taylor's  Natural  History  of  Society. 
1* 


6  FORMATION    OF    NATIONS. 

States  of  America ;  of  its  duties  to  itself,  and  its  responsible 
relations  to  other  countries. 

It  is  not  the  design  of  the  author,  however,  to  illustrate  this 
great  subject  by  a  statement  of  abstract  propositions,  for  this  is 
forbidden  by  his  limits  ;  but  rather  to  lead  the  reader  into  that 
atmosphere  of  thought  which  shall  best  prepare  him  to  follow  us 
in  the  investigation  of  those  realities,  those  actual  conditions 
of  our  country,  as  a  matter  of  duty  to  ourselves,  and  to  the 
nation  and  age  in  which  we  live. 


THE    RESPONSIBLE    DUTIES  AND    RELATIONS 
OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


THE  PIONEER. 

WE  honor  the  pioneer  !  We  reverence  him  as  the  early  agent 
of  Providence  in  all  those  great  changes  of  life  which  constitute 
the  improvement  of  the  world.  We  speak  of  the  pioneer  in 
an  enlarged  sense,  —  as  the  discoverer  of  new  regions,  new 
agents,  new  laws,  new  beauties,  and  new  combinations  in  the 
natural  world,  as  well  as  new  truths  in  the  moral  world.  He 
seems  to  be  endowed  with  an  instinct  superior  to  reason,  a  gift 
from  his  Maker  to  extend  the  limits  of  knowledge,  and  the 
great  purposes  of  divine  beneficence. 

We  find  him* in  the  wilderness,  self-exiled  from  the  refine 
ments  of  civilization,  inviting  labor,  enduring  hardships,  incur 
ring  dangers,  —  a  willing  neighbor  to  the  savage.  We  find 
him  upon  the  ocean,  in  the  frail  constructed  bark,  without 
instructions  from  man,  ploughing  the  trackless  deep,  with  no 
chart  of  his  destined  shores  but  that  of  faith.  We  find  him  in 
the  icy  regions  of  the  poles,  though  aided  by  the  light  of  sci 
ence,  but  still  the  same  unyielding  and  self-sacrificing  spirit, 
reaching  forward  to  burst  the  boundaries  of  his  view.  We 
find  him  in  the  laboratory  and  in  the  workshop,  in  the  halls  of 
legislation  and  in  the  observatory.  We  find  him  in  the  caverns 
of  the  earth,  in  the  depths  of  the  sea,  in  the  vaults  of  the  an 
cients,  in  the  crater  of  the  volcano,  on  the  summit  of  the  high 
est  mountain,  and  borne  by  the  chariot  of  science  above  and 


8  '  COLUMBUS    AND    THE    PURITANS. 

beyond  the  tempests  of  the  sky.  We  find  him,  too,  in  the 
missions  of  the  gospel  to  distant  lands  ;  we  find  him  struggling 
in  the  cause  of  freedom  ;  earnest  and  bold  in  all  reforms,  and 
a  ministering  angel  of  sympathy  in  the  cause  of  suffering 
humanity. 


COLUMBUS  AND  THE  PURITANS,  THE  GREAT  PIONEERS 
OF  THE  FIFTEENTH  AND  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURIES. 

IT  was  an  extraordinary  period  in  the  history  of  the  world, 
when  the  western  voyages  of  Columbus  were  projected,  and 
which  led  to  the  discovery  of  the  American  continent.*  His 
aim  was  dignity,  rank,  and  wealth,  and  these  were  sought  with 
the  noblest  motives.  The  vast  gains  that  he  anticipated  from 
his  discoveries,  he  intended  to  appropriate  to  princely  purposes  — 
to  institutions  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  of  his  native  city,  to  the 
foundation  of  churches,  and,  above  all,  to  crusades  for  the  re 
covery  of  the  holy  sepulchre.f  Endowed  with  talents  of  a  high 
order,  with  a  poetical  temperament,  a  fervent  piety,  and,  with 
al,  a  bigot's  zeal,  he  was  eminently  fitted  for  such  a  mission. 

*  An  unparalleled  impulse  was  given,  about  this  period,  to  the  prog 
ress  of  European  civilization,  by  the  simultaneous  invention,  or  at 
least  introduction  from  the  East,  of  the  mariner's  compass,  gunpow 
der  and  artillery,  an  improved  system  of  arithmetic,  and  the  art  of 
printing.  Combined  with  these  were  a  renewed  study  of  the  Roman 
law,  the  cultivation  of  Greek  literature,  the  restoration  of  the  fine 
arts,  and  the  opening  of  new  paths  of  industry  and  commercial  enter 
prise.  —  See  Taylor's  Natural  History  of  Society. 

The  state  of  geographical  knowledge  at  the  period  when  the  conti 
nent  of  America  was  discovered,  may  be  inferred  from  the  treaty  of 
Tordesillas,  made  June  7, 1494,  in  which  were  determined  "  the  prin 
ciples  on  which  the  vast  extent  of  unappropriated  empire,  in  the  east 
ern  and  western  hemispheres,  was  ultimately  divided  between  two 
petty  states  of  Europe."  —  See  Prescott's  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  Vol. 
II.  p.  181. 

t  Irving's  Columbus. 


COLUMBUS    AND    THE    PURITANS. 

All  was  done  in  the  name  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  and  through 
his  sovereigns,  he  owned  no  master  but  his  God. 

Such  was  the  character  of  Columbus.  He  discovered  the 
continent  of  America,  but  it  was  left  to  other  pioneers  to  people 
and  to  subdue  it.  His  was  the  zeal  of  the  Holy  Catholic 
church,  theirs  was  the  zeal  of  reform.  He  carried  the  ban 
ner  of  St.  Peter,  they  were  the  followers  of  Martin  Luther. 
They  were  all  inquirers  after  truth,  but  the  declarations  of  the 
pope,  and  the  protest  of  the  sons  of  Britain,  were  alike  the 
sources  of  zeal,  faith,  and  sacrifice  —  all  were  prepared  for 
martyrdom,  each  for  his  own  form  of  faith.  Columbus  died 
ignorant  of  the  extent  of  his  own  discovery,*  and  the  Puritans 
died  without  a  knowledge  of  the  freedom  which  they  had  se 
cured  for  their  children  and  the  world. 

The  Puritans  —  filled  with  a  self-respect  that  knew  no  laws 
but  those  of  duty,  moved  by  a  sense  of  accountability  that  ac 
knowledged  no  ruler  but  God  —  preferred  the  foreign  wilder 
ness  with  the  rights  of  conscience,  with  unrestrained  devotion, 
to  the  firesides  of  home  made  bitter  by  oppression.  They 
were  the  pioneers  of  the  moral  world  ;  they  were  the  defend 
ers  of  the  mind's  integrity,  of  the  soul's  best  good,  of  man's 
high  destiny.f  We  have  no  occasion  to  refer  the  reader  to 
the  well-known  history  of  the  Puritans  ;  it  would  be  as  useless 
as  an  artist's  chart  to  find  the  noonday  sun  in*  a  cloudless  sky. 
We  point  him  to  our  country  AS  IT  is,  with  the  proud  conviction 
that  all  who  read  our  pages  have  knowledge  of  WHAT  IT  WAS. 

*  He  supposed  Hispanic-la  to  be  the  ancient  Opliir,  which,  had  been 
visited  by  the  ships  of  King  Solomon,  and  that  Cuba  and  Terra  Firma 
•were  but  remote  parts  of  Asia. 

t  It  is  well  remarked  by  an  intelligent  author,  (De  Tocqueville,) 
that  "the  emigrants  who  fixed  themselves  on  the  shores  of  Ameri 
ca,  in  the  beginning  of  the  17th  century,  severed  the  democratic  prin 
ciple  from  all  the  principles  which  repressed  it  in  the  old  communi 
ties  of  Europe,  and  transplanted  it  unalloyed  to  the  New  "World.  It 
has  there  been  allowed  to  spread  in  perfect  freedom,  and  to  put  forth 
its  consequences  in  the  laws,  by  influencing  the  manners  of  the 
country." 


10  THE    PURITANS    AND    THE    INDIANS. 


THE    PURITANS    AND    THE    INDIANS. 

As  colonists  of  Great  Britain,  our  fathers  were  permitted  to 
enjoy  a  new  world  in  its  freedom  and  freshness.  They  had 
the  aid  of  the  wisdom  of  the  parent  country,  without  its  con 
comitant  evils  and  follies  ;  the  health  and  energies  of  its  ma 
turity  without  the  infirmities  of  age.  Separated  by  a  vast 
ocean,  and  thrown  upon  their  own  resources,  they  acquired 
habits  and  views  peculiar  to  themselves.  The  cold  climate 
and  rock-bound  soil  of  New  England  were  circumstances 
favorable  to  physical  strength  and  industry.  The  wily  Indian 
soon  taught  them  the  necessity  of  self-protection,  and  their  dan 
gers  and  hardships  gave  them  those  stern  and  hardy  virtues 
which  still  bless  their  children's  children. 

It  has  often  been  the  theme  of  the  orator  and  poet,  to  speak 
of  the  great  injustice  done  by  the  Puritans  to  the  sons  of  the 
forest ;  to  assert  that  the  Indian  was  the  lawful  possessor  of 
the  soil,  and  to  lament  that  our  fathers  were  guilty  of  stupen 
dous  wrong  to  a  simple-hearted  and  ignorant  race,  by  assuming 
the  control  of  the  land  and  gradually  displacing  the  native  from 
the  home  of  his  fathers. 

Without  pausing  here  to  speak  particularly  of  the  principles 
of  the  subject,  the  remark  may  be  made,  that  these  views, 
probably,  have  been  expressed  without  that  examination  which 
is  always  and  imperatively  required  in  matters  involving  charges 
of  such  magnitude.  It  is  maintained  by  persons  eminent  for 
their  learning  and  integrity,  that  the  records  bear  evidence  that 
the  Puritans  were  scrupulously  honest  in  their  transactions  with 
the  Indians.  That  there  were  no  exceptions,  we  are  not  pre 
pared  to  say,  for,  in  truth,  such  an  assertion  cannot  properly 
be  made  of  any  people.  But  it  is  our  humble  opinion,  based 
upon  some  examination  of  the  subject,  and  yet  more  confident 
ly  relying  upon  the  views  of  others  than  our  own,  —  that  the 
Puritans  were  true  to  their  standard  of  integrity,  which  involved 
the  interests  of  two  and  widely  different  races.  The  Indian 
was  ferocious,  sensual,  and  superstitious.  Knowledge  confound- 


THE  PURITANS  AND  THE  INDIANS.  11 

ed  him,  and  the  conventional  distinctions  of  society  were  noth 
ing  to  him  but  chaos.  He  could  see  no  objects  of  life  above 
the  existence  of  the  body  ;  no  property,  but  in  the  implements 
of  destruction,  or  in  the  extent  of  his  hunting-grounds.  He 
coveted  nothing  so  much  as  the  strange  novelties  of  the  white 
man,  and  when  he  consented  to  sell  a  small  lot  of  land,  it  was 
doubtless  his  belief  that  he  had  made  a  gain  without  decreasing 
his  privileges,  and  that  the  loss,  if  any,  was  on  the  part  of  those 
who  gave  away  their  wonders  without  an  equivalent.  That  the 
standard  of  knowledge  and  duty  of  the  Puritans  was  a  very 
different  one,  all  will  admit ;  but  it  was  their  necessity  that  led 
them  to  the  adoption  of  particular  modes  of  dealing  adapted  to 
the  condition,  views,  and  capacities  of  the  barbarian.  Besides, 
they  could  have  had  no  definitive  belief  in  what  their  own  lot  was 
to  be  in  this  new  land.  Religious  freedom  was  paramount  to 
all  other  considerations.  Physical  subsistence  was  admitted  to 
be  necessary,  even  indispensable  ;  and  it  was  important,  too, 
that  conventional  laws  should  be  observed  in  regard  to  proper 
ty  ;  but,  as  they  viewed  this  world  of  but  little  consequence, 
the  mere  temporary  dwelling-place  of  the  soul,  a  place  of  pro 
bation  to  fit  them  for  another  existence,  they  doubtless  felt  that 
their  relation  to  the  savage,  in  the  providence  of  God,  was  one 
of  a  spiritual  nature,  rather  than  one  of  temporal  interests,  — 
and,  in  making  bargains  with  the  natives,  they  were  influenced 
by  none  of  those  selfish  motives  which  are  so  often  manifested 
and  condemned  in  civilized  countries.  According  to  our  pres 
ent  standard  of  knowledge,  the  Puritans  were  ignorant  and  big 
oted.  This  cannot  be  said  of  them  as  true  in  their  own  times. 
The  predominating  element  in  their  character,  the  spirit  of  re 
ligious  freedom,  was  the  same,  whether  it  concerned  the  rights 
of  the  Catholic,  or  of  the  Protestant.  It  was  not  the  mode  of  be 
lief,  it  was  not  the  standard  of  knowledge,  but  it  was  in  this 
great  principle,  —  that  the  individual  had  an  inalienable  right 
to  worship  his  Maker  according  to  the  desires  of  his  own  soul, 
according  to  the  convictions  of  his  own  mind,  however  pecu 
liar,  however  different  from  established  systems,  his  form 


12  THE    PURITANS    AND    THE    INDIANS. 

of  faith.  This  element  of  character,  of  actual  freedom  in 
any  thing,  is  the  life-spring  of  liberty.  As  the  acorn  has  within 
its  narrow  compass  the  elemental  growth  of  ages,  so  this  prin 
ciple  of  freedom  in  the  mind,  at  first  applied  to  one  subject, 
will  in  coming  time  be  applied  to  all.  As  knowledge  is  ad 
vanced,  its  sphere  of  action  will  be  enlarged,  until  freedom 
gladdens  every  people,  and  erects  its  monuments  in  every 
clime. 

It  is  a  proposition  but  few  will  deny,  that  the  features  and 
external  aspects  of  a  country  have  an  influence  in  the 
formation  of  the  character  of  its  people.  We  would  not  lead 
the  reader,  by  this  remark,  to  adopt  the  common  error  of 
blending  cause  and  effect  together  by  attributing  an  absolute 
agency  to  external  things,  without  regard  to  the  character  of 
the  mind  standing  in  relation  to  them  ;  but  rather  to  speak  of 
that  mutual  relation  existing  between  mind  and  matter  which 
is  to  be  appreciated  only  as  it  is  found  to  be  marked  by  the 
energies  of  the  soul.*  This  continent  was  long  in  the  posses- 

*  Locke,  in  speaking  of  the  fitness  of  man  for  knowledge  and  im 
provement,  makes  use  of  the  following  remarkable  passage  :  — 

"  Of  what  consequence  the  discovery  of  one  natural  body,  and  its 
properties,  may  be  to  human  life,  the  whole  great  continent  of 
America  is  a  convincing  instance  ;  whose  ignorance  in  useful  arts, 
and  want  of  the  greatest  part  of  the  conveniences  of  life,  in  a  country 
that  abounded  with  all  sorts  of  natural  plenty,  I  think  may  be 
attributed  to  their  ignorance  of  what  was  to  be  found  in  a  very  ordi 
nary  despicable  stone,  —  I  mean  the  mineral  of  iron.  And  whatever 
we  think  of  our  parts  or  improvements  in  this  part  of  the  world, 
where  knowledge  and  plenty  seem  to  vie  with  each  other,  yet,  to 
any  one  who  will  seriously  reflect  on  it,  I  suppose  it  will  appear  past 
doubt,  that  were  the  use  of  iron  lost  among  us,  we  should  in  a  few- 
ages  be  unavoidably  reduced  to  the  wants  and  ignorance  of  the 
ancient  savage  Americans,  whose  natural  endowments  come  no  way 
short  of  those  of  the  most  nourishing  and  polite  nations." 

"We  do  not  quote  this  passage  with  a  view  to  refute  it,  but  to  show 
the  opinion  of  a  grave  philosopher,  who,  having  written  one  of  the 
ablest  works  extant  on  the  nature  of  the  mind,  and  having  asserted 
its  immateriality  and  immortality,  should  so  far  forget  himself  as  to 


THE  PURITANS  AND  THE  INDIANS.  13 

sion  of  the  barbarian  ;  and  yet  his  feeble  powers  of  apprehen 
sion  were  not  equal  to  comprehending  the  beauty  arid  magnifi 
cence  of  its  scenery,  much  less  to  manifest  traits  of  character 
as  the  result  of  any  contemplation  of  its  features. 

In  considering  the  rights  and  duties  of  nations,  it  becomes 
the  spirit  of  inquiry,  that  while  a  just  and  uncompromising 
regard  should  be  observed  in  reference  to  humanity  on  the  one 
hand,  we  should,  on  the  other,  elevate  our  views  in  the  endeavor 
to  comprehend  the  relations  existing  between  man  and  exter 
nal  objects,  —  in  reverence  to  Him  who  looks  upon  all  things 
as  parts  of  a  great  whole,  and  destined  to  infinite  progression 
as  an  integrant  of  the  system  of  the  universe  itself.  We  often 
speak  of 

CIVILIZATION, 

of  what  it  is,  of  its  laws,  of  its  progress,  of  its  blessings,  of 
its  refinements.  Are  we  sure  that  we  have  just  conceptions 
of  the  subject  ?  of  what  we  mean  ?  of  the  duties  which  it 
involves  ?  of  the  truths  encompassed  by  our  language,  and  of 
the  responsibility  of  our  professions  in  connection  with  the 
subject  ?  We  fear  not.  We  will  not  arrogate  to  ourselves  an 

make  its  best  energies  and  refinement  dependent  on  the  presence  and 
use  of  iron  ore  !  Since  this  ore  was  made  known  to  the  savage, 
seven  generations  have  passed  away ;  and  what  the  condition  of  the 
savage  now  is  need  not  be  stated.  Locke  had  studied  the  results  of 
the  mental  capacities,  rather  than  the  capacities  themselves,  in  rela 
tion  to  external  objects.  The  natural  instrument  of  the  mind  was 
overlooked,  and  he  sought  the  means  of  its  manifestation  in  the  rifle, 
chisel,  and  spade,  forgetting  that  the  mind  invented  and  manufac 
tured  them,  and  therefore  must  have  preceded  them  all. 

Mr.  Thompson,  in  his  interesting  work  on  Mexico,  loses  sight  of 
this  distinction.  He  says,  "They  have  no  fireplaces  in  Mexico,  and 
I  think  this  circumstance  has  a  great  influence  on  their  character." 
The  fireplace  is  one  of  the  necessities  of  climate,  and  its  connection 
with  character  is  one  of  the  results  of  social  condition,  but  not  the 
cause  of  it.  It  may  be  that  this  able  writer  simply  intended  to 
lament  the  want  of  the  necessity,  and  even  this  must  be  regarded  as 
an  incidental  influence. 
2 


14  CIVILIZATION. 

ability  to  answer  these  questions  above  that,  which,  in  all 
humility,  we  are  willing  to  believe  is  possessed  by  our  fellow- 
men  ;  but  we  may  be  permitted  to  express  an  earnest  hope 
that  the  reader  will  pursue  with  us  the  inquiry  with  an  honest 
heart  and  careful  mind. 

Civilization,  in  that  enlarged  sense  in  which  it  is  used  when 
applied  to  nations,  is  a  comprehensive  term,  which  embraces 
those  relations,  and  which  cannot  be  enumerated,  that  exist 
between  man  and  all  external  things.  Man  is  a  sentient  being, 
placed  in  the  midst  of  objects  to  be  studied  and  to  be  known. 
He  stands  in  relation  to  them  all  as  ruler,  and  they  to  him  as 
subjects.  He  stands  in  relation  even  to  himself,  and  the  oracle 
of  Delphi, "  Know  thyself"  was  indeed  the  first  step  in  knowl 
edge  worthy  to  be  pointed  out  as  of  divine  origin.  The 
degrees  of  civilization  correspond  with  those  of  knowledge, 
comprehending  its  applications  and  uses.  Its  highest  state 
would  imply  a  knowledge  of  our  physical  system,  of  its  parts, 
of  its  functions,  of  the  conditions  of  health,  the  causes  of  dis 
ease,  the  principles  of  true  temperance,  and  the  penalties  of 
violation  and  abuse.  It  implies  a  knowledge  of  mind,  of  the 
nature  of  its  faculties,  sentiments,  and  propensities.  It  em 
braces  all  that  can  be  comprehended  by  the  intellect,  and  all  that 
can  be  realized  by  the  soul.  It  extends  from  the  circle  of  the 
individual  to  that  of  the  nation,  and  of  the  world,  comprising 
all  duties  due  to  ourselves,  to  our  country,  to  the  world,  and  to 
God.  The  sphere  of  man  is  infinite,  embracing  all  that  is 
small,  and  all  that  is  great ;  all  that  is  good,  and  all  that  is 
beautiful ;  —  his  destiny  is  infinite  progression. 

The  natural  world  is  filled  with  causes  which  man  is  fitted 
to  develop  and  to  know.  The  secret  springs  of  vegetation ; 
the  healthful  condition  of  vegetable  life  ;  the  uses  of  things 
that  grow,  and  of  inanimate  substances  ;  the  objects  of  beauty, 
and  enjoyments  of  sense  ;  the  numberless  purposes  of  animal 
life  ;  the  laws  of  matter,  and  the  elements  of  mechanical 
power ;  in  fine,  whatever  exists  upon,  within,  around,  above, 
and  beyond  the  globe,  and  the  globe  itself,  —  are  subjects 


KNOWLEDGE    OF    GROWTH.  15 

enjoined  upon  man  for  him  to  master,  to  control  without  abuse, 
and  to  advance  in  the  great  scale  of  perfection. 

With  these  views,  can  we  adopt  the  belief  that  the  red  man 
was  the  true  inheritor  of  this  continent  ?  that  such  a  mag 
nificent  country,  with  its  vast  capabilities,  should  be  destined 
to  the  mere  objects  of  animal  life  ?  that  it  was  to  be  the 
destiny  of  the  savage  to  grovel  with  the  beasts  ;  to  study  de 
struction  instead  of  life  and  growth  ;  to  roam  over  the  land 
without  a  knowledge  of  its  beauties,  or  of  its  latent  treasures  ? 
Was  this  earth  clothed  in  matchless  beauty,  and  endowed  with 
rich  treasures  adapted  to  humanity,  forever  to  revolve  in  its 
orbit  without  development  ?  Was  it  created  without  design, 
without  destiny  ?  To  argue  such  questions  would  be  subject 
ing  reason  to  the  trial  of  reason,  judgment  to  the  rule  of  doubt, 
and  it  would  imply  a  total  want  of  that  awe  and  reverence  which 
should  ever  characterize  the  spirit  of  our  inquiries  when  we 
study  the  works  of  Infinite  Wisdom. 

This  course  of  thought  leads  us  next  to  notice  the  fact 
that  our 

RESPONSIBILITY    INVOLVES    A    KNOWLEDGE    OF    THE   CONDITIONS 
OF    GROWTH. 

Just  conceptions  of  individual  or  national  responsibility  in 
volve  a  knowledge  of  the  conditions  of  moral  and  physical 
growth.  Having  glanced  at  the  motives  and  circumstances 
which  led  to  the  discovery  and  settlement  of  this  continent,  it 
remains  for  us  briefly  to  consider  the  origin,  changes,  and 
present  character  of  the  government,  and  of  those  sources  of 
power  with  which  we  have  been  so  abundantly  blessed.  The 
motives  which  actuated  the  first  emigrants  were  those  of  enter 
prise,  personal  ambition,  religious  zeal,  and  the  true  spirit  of 
freedom,  really  embracing  those  primary  elements  necessary 
to  the  formation  of  a  new  and  energetic  national  character. 

Even  a  rapid  view  of  these  elements  will  enable  us  to  judge 
how  favorable  they  were  to  results  of  strength  and  prosperity. 
The  gradual  development  of  interests  ;  of  new  wants  ;  of  new 


16       AMERICAN    COLONIES    AND    FORMS    OF    GOVERNMENT. 

sources  of  comfort,  profit,  and  power  ;  of  difficulties  and  dan 
gers,  were  incidental  causes  favorable  to  habits  of  industry, 
virtue,  and  independence. 

Let  us  review,  for  a  moment,  the  early  formation  of  the 

AMERICAN    COLONIES    AND    THEIR    DIFFERENT    FORMS     OF     GOV 
ERNMENT. 

Although  the  colonies  were  subjected  to  the  sovereignty  of 
Great.  Britain,  yet  most  of  the  early  influences,  privileges, 
restraints,  and  institutions  established  around  them,  were  of 
their  own  choice  and  making.  While  they  were  willing  to 
avail  themselves  of  whatever  advantages  the  mother  country 
could  extend  to  them,  they  did  not  hesitate  to  reject  what  their 
judgment  could  not  approve  when  proposed  for  their  adoption ; 
and  their  distance  from  all  civilized  nations  was  a  circumstance 
favoring  exemption  from  home  rule,  and  stimulating  that  free 
exercise  of  all  the  faculties  of  the  mind  in  the  discussion  of 
their  rights  which  soon  began  to  give  them  new  traits  of  char 
acter,  and  which  have  been  continued  to  their  descendants. 

Diversity  of  privileges,  of  interests,  and  of  experience,  were 
secured  to  them  in  the  different  forms  in  which  Great  Britain 
extended  her  laws  and  protection  to  the  different  colonies. 
The  form  of  each  became  the  study  of  all  the  others,  and  the 
results  of  each  were  separate,  exhibiting  the  true  causes  of 
success  or  of  failure. 

The  governments  originally  formed  in  the  different  colonies 
were  of  three  kinds,  viz.  :  the  provincial,  the  proprietary, 
and  the  charter* 

1.   The  provincial  governments   had  no  fixed  constitution, 

*  In  noticing  the  different  forms  of  the  colonial  governments,  and 
the  organization  of  the  general  government,  we  have  made  free  use 
of  the  able  work  of  Judge  Story  on  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  As  we  have  slightly  modified  his  phraseology  in  some  pas 
sages,  to  adapt  the  matter  to  our  purpose,  we  have  not  given  the 
usual  marks  of  quotation.  These  brief  passages,  however,  alluded  to, 
are  merely  historical. 


AMERICAN    COLONIES    AND    FORMS    OF    GOVERNMENT.         17 

but  derived  all  their  authority  from  commissions,  issued  from 
time  to  time,  by  the  crown.  They  were  subject  to  the  pleasure 
of  the  king.  A  governor  and  council  were  appointed,  and 
these  were  invested  with  general  executive  powers,  and  were 
authorized  to  convene  a  general  assembly  of  the  representatives 
of  the  freeholders  and  planters  of  the  province.  The  assembly 
was  the  lower,  and  the  council  was  the  upper  house.  The 
governor  was  invested  with  a  veto  power  upon  all  their  pro 
ceedings,  and  had  the  power  to  prorogue  and  dissolve  them. 
The  legislature  had  power  to  make  all  local  laws  and  ordinances 
not  repugnant  to  the  laws  of  England.  Under  this  form  of 
government,  New  Hampshire,  New  York,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  were  governed,  as 
provinces,  at  the  commencement  of  the  American  revolution  ; 
and  some  of  them  had  been  so  governed  from  an  early  period 
of  their  settlement. 

2.  The  proprietary  governments   were    grants    by   letters 
patent  from  the  crown  to  one  or  more  persons,  as  proprietary 
or  proprietaries,  conveying  to  them  not  only  the  rights  of  the 
soil,  but  also  the  general  powers  of  government  within  the 
territory  so  granted,  in  the  nature  of  feudatory  principalities, 
or  dependent  royalties ;  possessing  within  their  own  domains 
nearly  the  same  authority  which  the  crown  possessed  in  the 
provincial  governments,  subject,  however,  to  the  control  of  the 
king.      The  governor  was  appointed  by  the  proprietary,  or 
proprietaries,  and  the  legislature  was  organized  and  convened 
according  to  his  or  their  pleasure.     The  executive  functions 
and  prerogatives  were  exercised  by  him  or  them,  either  per 
sonally  or  by  the  governor  for  the  time  being.     At  the  time 
of  the  revolution,  only  three  governments  existed  in  this  form, 
namely,  Maryland,  held  by  Lord  Baltimore,  as  proprietary, 
and  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware,  held  by  William  Penn,  as 
proprietary. 

3.  Charter  governments  were  political  corporations,  created 
by  letters  patent,  which  conferred  on  the  grantees  and  their 
associates  the  soil  within  their  territorial  limits,  and  all  the  high 

2* 


18        AMERICAN    COLONIES   AND    FORMS    OF    GOVERNMENT. 

powers  of  legislative  government.  The  charters  contained  a 
fundamental  constitution  for  the  colony,  distributing  the  powers 
of  government  into  three  great  departments,  legislative,  exec 
utive,  and  judicial ;  providing  for  the  mode  in  which  these 
powers  should  be  vested  and  exercised.  The  charter  govern 
ments  existing  at  the  time  of  the  revolution,  were  Massachu 
setts,  Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut. 

It  is  a  remark  of  the  late  Judge  Story,  that, "  notwithstanding 
these  differences  in  their  original  and  actual  political  organiza 
tion,  the  colonies,  at  the  time  of  the  American  revolution,  in 
most  respects,  enjoyed  the  same  general  rights  and  privileges." 
Although  we  may  not  dissent  from  this  general  remark,  still  it 
must  be  admitted  that  these  differences  are  sufficiently  marked 
to  be  noticed  as  distinct  and  separate  causes ;  and  though  their 
effects  may  have  been  somewhat  blended  in  a  common  experi 
ence,  \ve  cannot  but  regard  them  as  sources  of  different 
results,  and,  as  such,  leading  in  some  degree  to  diversity  of 
character. 

The  provincial  government  was  the  absolute  sovereignty 
of  the  crown,  transferred,  at  pleasure,  from  an  island  to  the 
continent,  without  any  guaranty  as  to  favor  or  permanency. 

The  proprietary  government  gave  an  interest  in  the  soil, 
but  that  interest  was  secured  to  individuals,  and  the  relations 
between  the  people  and  the  proprietaries  were  those  of 
dependence. 

The  charter  government  was  a  division  of  powers  between 
two  great  parties,  according  to  fixed  conditions,  each  party 
having  certain  defined  and  reserved  rights,  the  subordinate 
government  being  independent  only  under  a  constitution. 

It  will  be  perceived  that  in  these  forms  of  government  there 
are  three  distinct  degrees  of  liberty ;  and  yet  the  scale  is 
graduated  to  a  common  head,  the  British  crown,  and  to  which 
all  acknowledged  their  allegiance. 

"  In  all  of  these,"  says  Judge  Stoiy,  "  express  provision 
was  made,  that  all  subjects  and  their  children,  inhabiting  in  the 
colonies,  should  be  deemed  natural  born  subjects,  and  should 


ORGANIZATION    OF    A    NATIONAL    GOVERNMENT.  19 

enjoy  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  thereof.  In  all  of 
them,  the  common  law  of  England,  as  far  as  it  was  applicable 
to  their  situation,  was  made  the  basis  of  their  jurisprudence." 
Not  that  the  entire  system  was  introduced  into  any  one 
colony,  but  only  such  portions  of  it  as  each  found  adapted  to 
its  own  wants,  and  were  applicable  to  its  own  situation.  Of 
this,  each  colony  judged  for  itself. 

It  is  further  remarked  by  the  same  author,  that  "  although 
the  colonies  had  a  common  origin,  and  common  right,  and 
owed  a  common  allegiance,  and  the  inhabitants  of  all  of  them 
were  British  subjects,  they  had  no  direct  political  ^connection 
with  each  other.  Each  colony  was  independent  of  the  others, 
and  there  was  no  confederacy  or  alliance  between  them. 
They  were  excluded  from  all  political  connection  with  foreign 
nations,  and  they  followed  the  fate  and  fortunes  of  the  parent 
country  in  peace  and  war.  Still  the  colonists  were  not  wholly 
alien  to  each  other.  On  the  contrary,  they  were  fellow-sub 
jects,  and,  for  many  purposes,  one  people.  Every  colonist  had 
a  right  to  inhabit,  if  he  pleased,  in  any  other  colony,  to  trade 
therewith,  and  to  inherit  and  hold  lands  there." 

We  now  come  to  the  first  step  towards  the 

ORGANIZATION    OF    A    NATIONAL    GOVERNMENT. 

When  the  British  Parliament  asserted  the  right  to  legislate 
over  the  colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  and  made  a  system 
atic  effort  to  execute  this  right  by  acts  of  internal  legislation 
and  taxation,  it  was  boldly  resisted  by  them,  and  a  contro 
versy  was  commenced  which  terminated  in  their  independ 
ence.  This  new  power  was  manifested  in  the  Continental 
Congress  of  1774,  which  adopted  unanimously  a  declaration 
of  the  rights  of  the  colonies.*  These  were  disregarded  by 
the  British  government,  and  the  American  revolution  was  the 
result.  In  the  exigencies  of  the  times,  union  of  the  colonies 
became  a  paramount  measure,  —  indeed,  it  was  an  absolute 

*  Sec  Appendix  A. 


20  ORGANIZATION    OF    A    NATIONAL    GOVERNMENT. 

necessity  —  as  a  means  of  common  defence.  It  was  recom 
mended  to  each  colony  to  reorganize  its  government  as  that 
of  a  sovereign  state,  and  to  enact  such  new  laws  as  the  times 
seemed  to  require. 

This  voluntary  association  of  the  states  for  purposes  of  mere 
protection  was  not  designed  to  be  permanent,  and,  although 
every  measure  was  adopted  which  nations  usually  adopt  in 
seasons  of  apprehended  danger  from  a  foreign  enemy,  still 
the  removal  of  the  occasion  left  each  state  to  recede  from  or 
to  continue  in  the  alliance.  Besides,  it  could  but  be  seen  how 
great  would  be  the  dangers  of  the  separation  of  the  confed 
erated  states  into  independent  communities,  acknowledging  no 
common  head,  and  acting  upon  no  common  system.  Rival 
ries,  jealousies,  real  or  imaginary  wrongs,  diversities  of  local 
interests  and  institutions,  would  soon  sever  the  ties  of  a  com 
mon  attachment,  which  bound  them  together,  and  bring  on  a 
state  of  hostile  operations  dangerous  to  their  peace  and  sub 
versive  of  their  permanent  interests.* 

One  of  their  first  objects,  therefore,  beyond  that  of  their 
immediate  safety,  which  engaged  the  attention  of  the  Conti 
nental  Congress,  was  to  provide  the  means  of  a  permanent 
union  of  all  the  colonies  under  a  general  government.  Certain 
Articles  of  Confederation  were  agreed  upon  in  November,  1777, 
but  were  not  accepted  by  all  the  states  until  March,  1781.  As 
the  government  was  not  to  go  into  effect  until  the  consent  of 
all  the  states  should  be  obtained,  this  delay  of  more  than  three 

*  "  If  these  states  should  either  be  wholly  disunited,"  says  Alexan 
der  Hamilton,  "or  only  united  in  partial  confederacies,  a  man  must 
be  far  gone  in  Utopian  speculations,  who  can  seriously  doubt  that  the 
subdivisions  into  which  they  might  be  thrown  would  have  frequent 
and  violent  contests  with  each  other.  To  presume  a  want  of  motives 
for  such  contests,  as  an  argument  against  their  existence,  would  be 
to  forget  that  men  are  ambitious,  vindictive,  and  rapacious.  To  look 
for  a  continuation  of  harmony  between  a  number  of  independent, 
unconnected  sovereignties,  situated  in  the  same  neighborhood,  would 
be  to  disregard  the  uniform  course  of  human  events,  and  to  set  at 
defiance  the  accumulated  experience  of  ages." 


ORGANIZATION    OF   A    NATIONAL    GOVERNMENT.  21 

years  gave  good  opportunity  for  deliberation  and  discussion. 
It  was  soon  found,  however,  that  the  Articles  adopted  were 
defective,  not  being  sufficiently  comprehensive  and  efficient 
for  the  government  of  a  nation.  The  states  were  exceedingly 
jealous  of  their  own  rights,  and,  having  realized  a  bitter  expe 
rience  in  their  former  relations  with  the  parent  country,  they 
doubtless  entertained  fears,  and  raised  doubts  not  justified  by 
enlightened  views. 

It  soon  became  evident,  from  a  gradual  development  of  the 
subject  by  discussion,  and  from  actual  experience,  that  a  new 
constitution  was  highly  important,  and,  after  several  partial 
meetings  in  convention  of  a  portion  of  the  states,  a  general 
convention  of  commissioners  was  called  from  all  the  states, 
and  met  in  Philadelphia  in  May,  1787.  After  very  protracted 
deliberations,  and  great  diversities  of  opinion,  they  finally,  on 
the  17th  of  September,  1787,  framed  the  present  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  and  recommended  it  to  be  laid  by  the 
Congress  before  the  several  states,  to  be  by  them  considered 
and  ratified  in  conventions  of  the  representatives  of  the  peo 
ple,  to  be  called  for  that  purpose.  Conventions  were  accord 
ingly  called  in  all  the  states,  except  Rhode  Island,  and  after 
many  warm  discussions,  the  Constitution  was  ratified  by  all  of 
them,  except  North  Carolina  and  Rhode  Island.  It  was  sub 
sequently  adopted  by  North  Carolina  in  November,  1789,  and 
by  Rhode  Island  in  May,  1790.  Vermont  was  admitted  Feb 
ruary  18,  1791. 

As  the  Preamble  of  the  Constitution  adopted  imbodies  the 
motives  of  those  who  framed  and  accepted  it,  we  copy  it  as  a 
lesson  of  instruction. 

"  We,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a 
more  perfect  union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquil 
lity,  provide  for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  general 
welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and 
our  posterity,  do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  of  America." 

In  making  this  brief  and  hasty  recital  of  the  events  con- 


22  ORGANIZATION    OF    A    NATIONAL    GOVERNMENT. 

nected  with  the  growth  of  our  state  and  general  governments, 
we  are  compelled  to  confine  ourselves  to  mere  outline.  We 
have  deemed  it  pertinent  to  our  subject  to  notice  these  few 
details,  as  illustrating  the  different  trials  and  processes  through 
which  these  forms  of  government  were  passed  before  the 
results  were  reached,  and  which  now  bless  our  states  and  our 
general  country.  The  work  is  one  bearing  all  the  marks  of 
scrupulous  care,  of  ability  and  integrity.  Three  different  forms 
of  government  were  tried  by  the  different  colonies,  and  three 
conventions  were  held  by  them,  each  convention  performing 
its  degree  of  labor,  before  the  collected  wisdom  of  the  people 
could  be  imbodied  and  detailed  in  a  shape  that  should  at  the 
same  time  practically  meet  the  wants  of  the  nation,  and  do 
justice  to  the  cause  of  universal  freedom.* 

*  "The  Constitution  of  the  United  States,"  says  De  Tocqucville, 
"  is  like  those  exquisite  productions  of  human  industry  which  insure 
wealth  and  renown  to  their  inventors,  but  which  are  profitless  in 
other  hands.     This  truth  is  exemplified  by  the  condition  of  Mexico 
at  the  present  time."     We  should  be  sorry  to  admit  that  this  remark 
needed  no  qualification.     The  bare  desire  for  a  free  government  is  a 
step  towards  it.     The  successful  administration  of  it  requires  the  wis 
dom  and  experience  of  age,  and  these  must  be  preceded  by  a  certain 
amount  of  mental  capacity. 

"  A  great  equity  lawyer,"  says  Mr.  Webster,*  "  had  truly  said  that, 
ever  since  the  revolution  of  1688,  law  had  been  the  basis  of  public 
liberty.  He  held  it  to  be  undoubted  that  the  state  of  society  depends 
more  on  elementary  law,  and  the  principles  and  rules  that  control 
the  transmission,  distribution,  and  free  alienation  of  property,  than 
on  positive  institutions.  Written  constitutions  sanctify  and  confirm 
great  principles,  but  the  latter  were  prior  in  existence  to  the  former. 
Habeas  Corpus  Act,  the  Bill  of  Rights,  Trial  by  Jury,  were  surer  bul 
warks  of  right  and  liberty  than  written  constitutions.  The  gradual 
establishment  of  our  free  institutions  was  the  work  of  time  and  ex 
perience,  not  the  immediate  result  of  any  written  instrument. 
English  and  our  colonial  history  were  full  of  those  experiments  in 
representative  government  which  heralded  and  led  to  our  more  per 
fect  system.  When,  our  revolution  made  us  independent,  we  had  not 

*  In  his  speech  delivered  at  Charleston,  S.  C.,  at  a  dinner  given  him  by 
the  Charleston  Bar. 


THE    INDISSOLUBLE    NATURE    OF    THE    UNION.  23 

In  this  instrument  and  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
are  to  be  found  the  fundamental  principles  of  our  national  gov 
ernment,  and  in  which  centre  all  those  great  sources  of  duty 
which  involve  justice  and  accountability. 

Every  true  friend  of  liberty  finds  a  subject  of  congratula 
tion  in 

THE    INDISSOLUBLE    NATURE    OF    THE    UNION. 

This  indissoluble  combination  of  sovereignties  of  a  gradual 
and  similar  formation  is  one  of  those  extraordinary  events  of 
time,  in  which  all  may  recognize  the  ruling  hand  of  Provi 
dence.  Such  a  union  is  one  of  inconceivable  strength  and 
permanency.  We  can  see  the  elements  of  its  growth,  but  we 
cannot  even  predict  the  beginning  of  the  causes  of  its  decay. 
It  is  enveloped  in  almost  numberless  circles  of  sovereignty. 
Its  heart  cannot  be  reached  by  danger.  Towns,  counties, 
states,  and  their  unnumbered  institutions,  have  each  their  own 
independent  sphere  of  action,  and  their  growing  and  diversi 
fied  strength  is  a  perpetual  source  of  power  to  the  Union.* 

to  frame  government  for  ourselves  —  to  hew  it  out  of  the  original 
block  of  marble ;  our  history  and  experience  presented  it  ready  made 
and  proportioned  to  our  hands." 

The  causes  of  progress  may  be  found  in  the  nature  of  man  ;  the 
means  for  their  development  in  the  nature  of  things ;  and  the  re 
sults  appear  in  our  character,  laws,  and  institutions.  These,  as  they 
are  recorded,  become  important  aids  to  new  and  further  developments. 

*  "  Local  assemblies  of  citizens,"  says  De  Tocqueville,  "  constitute 
the  strength  of  free  nations.  Town-meetings  are  to  liberty  what 
primary  schools  are  to  science ;  they  bring  it  within  the  people's 
reach,  they  teach  men  how  to  use  and  how  to  enjoy  it."  The  same 
author  says,  in  another  place,  "  In  the  American  states  power  has 
been  disseminated  with  admirable  skill,  for  the  purpose  of  interest 
ing  the  greatest  possible  number  of  persons  in  the  common  weal. 
Independently  of  the  electors,  who  are  from  time  to  time  called  into 
action,  the  body  politic  is  divided  into  innumerable  functionaries  and 
officers,  who  all,  in  their  several  spheres,  represent  the  same  power 
ful  whole,  in  whose  name  they  act.  The  local  administration  thus 
affords  an  unfailing  source  of  profit  and  interest  to  a  vast  number  of 
individuals." 


24  THE    CONSTITUTION    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES. 

They  are  limbs  of  the  great  body  politic.  Their  various 
modes  of  action,  and  the  manifestation  of  their  different  views, 
sentiments,  interests,  and  prejudices,  are  but  the  exercise 
necessaiy  to  their  own  growth,  and  to  the  healthy  condition  of 
that  great  body  of  which  they  are  members.  Its  duration 
cannot  be  measured  by  man.  The  combined  action  of  ene 
mies  without,  and  the  assaults  of  party  spirit  within,  can  have 
no  tendency,  but  to  develop  new  energies,  and  to  add  new 
strength.  It  may  rise  in  its  grandeur  and  might  for  centuries 
to  come  ;  have  its  periods  of  growth  and  decay,  its  blessings 
and  its  troubles  ;  but  its  changes  can  only  be  those  of  progress. 
Dissolution  may  be  discussed,  threatened,  and,  possibly,  even 
attempted  ;  but  every  discussion  will  increase  the  knowledge 
of  the  indispensable  necessity  of  union,  every  threat  will  add 
to  the  zeal  of  its  friends,  and  every  attempt  to  subvert  it  will 
create  new  safeguards  for  its  protection  and  perpetuity.  The 
physical  world  in  its  variety,  and  the  mental  world  in  its 
unity,  encircle  its  boundaries  and  centralize  its  interests. 

THE  DISSOLUTION  OF  SUCH  A  UNION  IS  A  MORAL  IMPOSSI 
BILITY.* 

THE    CONSTITUTION    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES 

is  a  sacred  instrument,  not  only  to  the  people  of  this  country, 
but  to  the  world.  It  is  not  a  charter  to  bless  a  particular  peo 
ple,  but  the  race.  Our  relation  to  the  soil  of  this  continent  is 

*  We  find  the  following  eloquent  passage  in  the  able  report  of  the 
secretary  of  the  treasury,  December,  1847  :  — 

"  Upon  this  point,  sectional  fanatics,  few  in  number  at  home,  and 
despots  abroad  concurring  with  them,  may  hope  or  menace ;  but  the 
American  Union  is  a  moral  and  physical,  a  political  and  commercial 
necessity,  and  never  can,  or  •will,  be  dissolved.  As  well  might  we 
attempt  to  decompose  the  great  element  of  nature  which  holds  to 
gether  the  planets,  suns,  and  systems  of  the  universe,  as  hope  to  sever 
the  links  of  mighty  lakes  and  rivers,  of  ever- extending  telegraphs, 
railroads,  and  canals,  of  free  trade,  of  intercourse,  of  interest,  of  love 
and  affection,  of  the  glories  of  the  past,  the  present,  and  future,  which 


THE    CONSTITUTION    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES.  25 

but  a  temporary  one.  Though  citizen  transfers  to  citizen  his 
deeds  of  pecuniary  interest,  his  moral  relation  to  the  soil  is 
one  of  sacred  trust.  All  governments  are  commissions  of  trust, 
and  prosperity  and  true  glory  await  them  only  as  they  are 
faithfully  executed. 

The  Indian,  the  steward  of  one  talent,  buried  it,  and  made 
no  interest.  "  From  him  that  hath  not  shall  be  taken  away 
even  that  which  he  hath."  We  are  endowed  with  more  talents, 
and  they  involve  corresponding  responsibilities.  If  our  work 
is  of  any  account,  it  makes  a  part  of  that  Providence  which 
numbers  the  hairs  of  our  heads,  and  directs  the  destiny  of 
nations.  If  it  be  any  thing,  it  is  one  of  vast  concern  and  strict 
accountability. 

Placed  upon  a  continent  of  great  extent,  we  are  favored  with 
that  variety  of  climate  and  soil  necessary  to  the  countless 
products  suited  to  the  condition  of  man.  Watered  by  mighty 
rivers  and  lakes,  commerce  moves  its  wealth  upon  them  to 
every  region  of  our  land.  The  mountains  meet  the  clouds  in 
their  heights,  and  send  to  our  fields  and  valleys  their  fertilizing 
streams.  Bound  on  every  side  with  coasts  and  harbors,  the 
products  of  our  country  are  carried  to  every  clime,  and  those 
of  other  nations  are  brought  to  ours.  Enlivened  and  enriched 
by  the  spirit  of  enterprise,  the  valleys  are  exalted,  the  moun 
tains  are  made  low,  and  roads  of  iron  radiate  from  every  city, 
and  are  traversed  with  stupendous  freights  with  the  speed  of 
the  wind ;  and  with  the  speed  of  lightning,  intelligence  is 


must  forever  bind  together  the  American  Union.  Indeed,  when  we 
look  upon  the  American  revolution,  the  framing  of  our  Constitution, 
the  addition  of  Louisiana,  Florida,  Texas,  and  Oregon,  our  ever- 
extending  area,  products,  and  population,  our  triumphs  in  war  and 
peace,  we  must  be  blind  to  the  past,  and  close  our  eyes  upon  the  ful 
filling  realities  of  the  future,  if  we  cannot  perceive  and  gratefully 
acknowledge  that  a  higher  than  an  earthly  power  still  guards  and 
directs  our  destiny,  impels  us  onward,  and  has  selected  our  great  and 
happy  country  as  a  model  and  ultimate  centre  of  attraction  for  all  the 
nations  of  the  world." 
3 


26      OUR  GOVERNMENT  THE  RULE  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 

transmitted  from  boundary  to  boundary  of  the  entire  continent. 
Steamships  plough  every  ocean,  and,  with  the  aid  of  the 
mighty  press,  report  all  our  acts  to  other  nations,  and  they  in 
return  report  to  us.  Experiments  of  governments,  of  sci 
ence,  and  reform,  are  closely  watched  and  studied  by  every 
people.* 

OUR   GOVERNMENT    IS    THE    RULE    OF    THE    PEOPLE. 

It  is  a  republic  that  secures,  as  from  a  common  centre  to  its 
entire  circumference,  equal  rights  and  freedom  to  all.  It 
gives  freedom  to  mind,  security  to  body,  and  protection  to 
interests. 

The  democracy  of  the  republic  is  in  process  of  develop 
ment.!  The  people  are  sovereign.  Man  stands  alone,  in  his 
dignity,  representing  both  government  and  subject.  He  acts 
for  himself  and  for  the  greatest  good  of  the  whole  people. 
The  virtue  of  the  masses  is  blended  in  action,  and  conscience 
is  beginning  to  rule.  Every  man  being  made  to  feel  that  he 
is  accountable  to  his  God  for  the  acts  of  his  country,  he  is  ever 
ready  to  serve  her  with  unyielding  integrity.  He  lives  and 
rejoices  in  her  glory,  and  suffers  in  her  shame.  Early  taught 
at  the  district  school,  he  knows  the  power  of  knowledge,  and 

*  See  Appendix    B. 

t  "  If  the  men  of  our  time  were  led  by  attentive  observation,  and  by 
sincere  reflection,  to  acknowledge  that  the  gradual  and  progressive 
development  of  social  equality  is  at  once  the  past  and  future  of  their 
history,  this  solitary  truth  would  confer  the  sacred  character  of  a 
divine  decree  upon  the  change.  To  attempt  to  check  democracy, 
would  be,  in  that  case,  to  resist  the  will  of  God ;  and  the  nations 
would  then  be  constrained  to  make  the  best  of  the  social  lot  awarded 
to  them  by  Providence."  "  Christianity,  which  has  declared  that  all 
men  are  equal  in  the  sight  of  God,  will  not  refuse  to  acknowledge 
that  all  citizens  are  equal  in  the  eye  of  the  law.  But,  by  a  singular 
concourse  of  events,  religion  is  entangled  in  those  institutions  which 
democracy  assails,  and  it  is  not  unfrequently  brought  to  reject  the 
equality  it  loves,  and  to  curse  that  cause  of  liberty  as  a  foe,  which  it 
might  hallow  by  its  alliance."  —  De  Tocgitev^lle. 


OUR  GOVERNMENT  THE  RULE  OF  THE  PEOPLE.      27 

the  sad  penalties  of  ignorance.  He  fears  nothing  but  wrong, 
and  claims  nothing  but  right. 

Originating  in  millions  of  moral  and  intelligent  beings,  what 
a  fearful  aggregate  of  power  to  be  delegated  to  rulers  !  And 
with  its  privileges,  what  duties  of  fearful  magnitude  are  imposed 
upon  them  !  What  trusts  from  the  nation,  from  the  world,  and 
from  God ! 

An  independent  child  of  one  of  the  greatest  powers  upon 
earth,  our  nation  is  looked  upon  as  the  great  beacon  of  liberty 
and  self-government  throughout  the  world.  The  cause  of 
democracy  is  the  universal  cause  of  equal  rights  and  freedom, 
and  it  is  placed  with  us,  more  than  with  any  other  people,  to 
be  protected,  preserved,  and  advanced.  It  is  not  the  cause  of 
a  day,  but  of  all  coming  time  ;  not  of  a  people,  but  of  a 
world.* 


*  Our  national  charities,  our  educational  and  religious  missions, 
our  constant  commercial  intercourse  with  all  countries,  serve  to  con 
ciliate  differences  which  separate  the  people  of  different  nations  from 
our  own,  and  to  impose  upon  us  those  additional  duties,  which  grati 
tude  in  others,  and  success  in'  ourselves,  are  sure  to  originate,  as  the 
high  reward  for  the  privileges  of  doing  good. 

"Nothing  can  be  more  desirable,"  says  a  sensible  writer,  "than 
to  raise  the  minds  of  the  American  people  to  a  « level  with  their  sta 
tion,'  and  to  call  off  their  thoughts  from  the  narrow  pursuits  of  per 
sonal  or  national  aggrandizement.  A  nobler  object  is  set  before  them 
in  the  great  moral  enterprise  to  which  this  nation  is  called.  Our 
field  is  the  world.  It  is  our  influence  on  the  whole  human  race  that 
principally  constitutes,  it  may  be  hoped,  the  peculiarity  of  American 
destiny.  < 

"  It  was  long  ago  said,  respecting  the  leader  of  our  revolution,  the 
great  and  good  Washington,  that  he  had  filled  the  world  with  his 
own  and  his  country's  glory  —  that  the  Arab  and  the  Tartar  conversed 
about  him  in  their  tents.  This  was  rhetorically  uttered,  but  with 
sufficiently  near  approach  to  the  truth  to  redeem  the  remark  from 
mere  declamation. 

"  Our  opinions  have  been  embraced,  and  our  example  has  been 
followed,  in  too  many  instances,  not  to  indicate  the  general  estimation 
in  which  the  country  is  held  abroad.  Wherever  revolutions  in  gov- 


28  THE    DESTINY    OF    OUR    NATION. 

We  can  utter,  with  a  cheerful  heart  and  fearless  spirit,  — 
"  Our  country,  however  bounded ;  our  country,  right  or 
wrong"  Not  to  be  continued  in  error ;  but  to  be  sustained 
when  right,  and  to  be  righted  when  wrong.  We  have  an 
individuality,  as  a  nation,  as  we  have  personal  identity  as  citi 
zens.  There  should  be  a  national  consciousness,  a  national 
identity.  All  that  makes  the  man  helps  make  the  nation,  and 
all  that  makes  the  nation  helps  make  the  world. 

THE    DESTINY    OF    OUR    NATION 

'  * 

has  been  alluded  to  by  some  of  our  public  men  with  an.  elo 
quence  befitting  the  cause  of  truth,  and  with  a  judgment  indic 
ative  of  rare  attainments.  Others,  we  regret  to  observe,  have 
spoken  of  the  subject  as  one  of  frivolous  assumption,  and  as 
the  forced  conviction  of  party,  and  for  party  purposes. 

We  can  understand  and  respect  a  man  who  honestly  con 
tends  against  our  faith,  for  we  are  equally  concerned  in  all  the 
great  objects  of  existence.  Truth  is  our  common  friend  ;  but 
there  is  a  withering  levity  in  the  spirit  that  would  ponder 
lightly  the  solemn  convictions  of  any  one  who  believes  in  a 
destiny,  whether  concerning  his  own  soul  or  his  own  country. 
It  is  an  inspiration  of  high  sentiment,  if  not  of  logical  deduc 
tion  ;  and  the  faith,  whether  from  instinct  or  knowledge,  is 
entitled  to  be  reverenced  and  honored.  We  are  not  beings  of 
chance  ;  our  country  is  not  an  accident  in  the  providence  of 
God.  If  we  have  evil,  it  is  the  legitimate  fruit  of  sin,  —  a 
warning  to  men  and  nations  doing  wrong.  If  we  are  blessed 

eminent  have  been  attempted,  or  realized,  in  modern  times,  the  model 
has  evidently  been  America,  the  encouragement  America's  success. 
France,  Greece,  Belgium,  Mexico,  and  the  republics  of  South  Amer 
ica,  each  strove  to  change  their  condition,  in  the  expectation  of  secur 
ing  somewhat  of  the  freedom  and  happiness  of  these  United  States." 
—  Christian  Spectator,  March,  1834. 

These  remarks  were  published  in  1834.  What  a  chapter  of  national 
events,  which  have  transpired  since  that  time,  might  be  made  up,  our 
readers  have  no  occasion  to  be  advised. 


THE    DESTINY    OF    OUR    NATION.  29 

with  goodness,  the  examples  endure  forever,  as  encourage 
ments  to  those  doing  right.  Every  person  and  every  nation 
has  a  destiny  marked  by  an  Almighty  hand.  What  that  has 
been  to  us  and  to  our  country  in  past  time,  is  a  matter  of  his 
tory,  the  beginning  of  its  being  ;  but  what  it  is  to  be,  no  human 
wisdom  can  predict,  affirm,  or  deny.  If  we  believe  in  a  God 
of  infinite  power  and  love,  our  aspirations  in  sentiment  should 
elevate  us  to  that  condition  of  confident  hope  unknown  to  the 
atheist,  the  anchor  to  the  soul  that  is  true  to  its  divine 
integrity.  (See  Appendix.) 


30  REVIEW    OF    THE    LATE    WAR    WITH    MEXICO. 


REVIEW  OF  THE  LATE  AVAR 

BETWEEN  THE  REPUBLICS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 
AND  MEXICO. 


IN  proceeding  to  execute  our  plan,  in  leaving  general 
topics  for  specific,  ones,  in  discussing  measures  of  govern 
ment  which  have  been,  or  which  are,  the  reader  must  not 
deem  us  officious  if  we  ask  him  to  accompany  us  in  the  in 
vestigations  which  are  to  follow,  with  a  spirit  of  candor  and 
divested  of  all  prejudice. 

The  subjects  which  we  propose  to  discuss  are  of  great  con 
cern,  though  generations  have  passed  away,  each  leaving  its 
own  mark  of  wisdom  upon  them.  They  are  among  the  high 
est  and  holiest  which  can  claim  the  attention  of  man,  and  the 
common  interest,  in  which  all  are  sharers,  should  be  a  defence 
against  selfish  views  or  disguised  positions.  Let  us  remember 
the  injunction  of  Tacitus,  "  Veritas  visu  et  mora,  falsa  festi- 
natione  et  incertis  vales  cunt."  Let  us  bring  to  our  aid  those 
views  and  fundamental  principles  which  have  already  re 
ceived  our  attention,  and  endeavor  to  place  ourselves  in  that 
relation  of  duty  which  shall  be  in  harmony  with  their  requi 
sitions. 

In  considering  the  subject  of  this  chapter,  the  late  war 
between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  we  are  almost 
necessarily  led  first  to  the  great  and  yet  unsettled  question 
of  war  itself. 


WHAT  IS  THE  NATURE  OF  WAR  ?  31 


WHAT  IS  THE  NATURE  OF  WAR  ." 

What  is  its  design  ?  What  may  it  accomplish  in  the  provi 
dence  of  God  ?  Is  it  necessary,  is  it  justifiable,  under  any  cir 
cumstances  ?  What  have  nations  done  to  avert  it  ?  What  can 
they  do  ?  What  ought  they  to  do  ?  These  are  questions  re 
peatedly  asked,  and  with  a  sincerity  of  purpose  which  is  ever 
entitled  to  consideration. 

Men  have  courage  boldly  to  make  war,  to  sanction  it,  to 
provide  means  for  its  prosecution,  to  acknowledge  its  good  re 
sults  ;  but  they  do  not  seem  to  be  persuaded  that  it  admits  of 
that  unquestionable  moral  defence  which  challenges  all  contro 
versy,  as  a  settled  provision  of  nature.  All  nations  admit  its 
necessity,  by  providing  for  it ;  and  all  nations  are  professedly 
in  favor  of  peace.  It  is  fostered  by  all  nations  as  a  defence, 
and  dreaded  by  all  as  a  calamity.  It  is  viewed  by  the  same 
people  as  the  protecting  power  of  substantial  blessings,  and  as 
a  curse  entailed  upon  the  race  by  the  wickedness  of  man.*  If 
it  be  a  curse,  its  failure  should  prove  a  blessing;  and  yet 
there  can  be  no  failure  in  war  without  disgrace,  no  success 
without  glory.  Hundreds  of  generations  have  been  born  to 
life,  and  have  returned  to  dust ;  nations  have  risen  to  splendor 

*  A  recent  writer,  of  ability  and  eloquence,  alludes  to  the  term 
"  laws  of  icar"  as  an  absurdity.  "  Laws  in  that,"  he  says,  "which  is 
lawless  !  order  in  disorder  !  rules  of  wrong  !  "  He  is  inconsistent 
with  himself.  The  acknowledgment  of  law  in  what  has  been  lawless 
is  a  step  towards  conventional  control.  The  absurdity  appears  only  in 
the  assumption  and  use  of  false  premises.  See  an  oration  delivered 
by  Charles  Sumner,  (Boston,  1845,)  entitled  The  True  Grandeur  of 
Nations.  We  admire  the  spirit  of  this  author;  it  is  war  against  war ; 
but  he  is  in  advance  of  the  age.  He  is  not  practical.  He  should  study 
more  the  nature  of  man  —  the  nature  of  things.  He  has  pictured  to  us 
the  splendors  of  space  without  an  acknowledgment  of  the  forces  that 
move  the  bodies  which  fill  it.  He  has  given  the  rainbow  in  its  beau 
ty,  but  has  forgotten  the  cloud  and  its  thunders  which  produced  it. 
He  has  given  us  the  grandeur  of  nations,  but  he  has  detached  it  from 
the  conditions  of  mortality. 


32  WHAT    IS    THE    NATURE    OF    WAR  ! 

and  power,  and  have  fallen  to  decay  ;  even  a  world  of  being 
lias  been  swept  from  the  earth  by  deluge,  and  war  has  been 
the  common  lot  of  all ;  and  yet  but  few  seem  willing  to  ac 
knowledge  the  hand  of  Providence  in  the  recognition  of  its 
mighty  movements,  or  its  mighty  aims. 

Man  has  become  an  apologist  for  his  Maker,  rather  than  the 
student  of  his  laws.  He  admits  his  rule,  but  practically  denies 
his  wisdom.  The  events  of  war  are  unqualifiedly  condemned 
as  sinful,  and  yet  they  are  said  to  be  overruled  by  Providence 
for  the  ultimate  good  of  all  /  as  if  man's  errors  were  necessa 
ry  to  Omnipotence  !  as  if  infinite  wisdom  was  in  eternal  con 
flict  with  its  own  designs  !  as  if  infinite  power  were  forced  to 
conditions  of  compromise  !  as  if  infinite  love  had  failed  in  its 
mission  to  nations  !  as  if  infinite  justice  had  proved  impracti 
cable  !  and  infinite  mercy  an  unappreciable  blessing  ! 

In  his  infinite  goodness  may  God  help  us  to  be  faithful,  not 
only  in  belief,  but  in  our  professions  of  duty.  Let  us  be  true 
to  the  highest  standard  that  is  within  us,  or  about  us,  and  exe 
cute  our  convictions  according  to  our  best  knowledge ;  but, 
in  whatever  we  think  or  do,  may  our  entire  being  submit  to 
the  sublimest  of  truths,  that  there  is  a  God  infinite  in  all  his 
attributes,  whose  will  is  reality,  and  whose  nature  is  universal 
good.  The  existence  of  evil  proves  the  necessity  of  reform  in 
the  moral,  religious,  and  physical  nature  of  man.  We  can  dis 
cover  no  defect  in  this  necessity,  but  rather  the  only  condition 
of  being  that  admits  of  progress  ;  the  only  process  which 
admits  of  accountability,  and  of  that  ever-increasing  purity  of 
character  which  comes  from  a  growing  knowledge  of  God  and 

all  his  works.     We 

"  cannot  go 

Where  universal  love  not  smiles  around, 
Sustaining  all  yon  orbs  and  all  their  suns  ; 
From  seeming  evil  still  educing  good, 
And  better  thence  again,  and  better  still, 
In  infinite  progression." 

We  can  doubt  the  existence  of  all  external  things ;  we  can 
doubt  even  our  own  being,  and  find  relief  in  the  reflection  that 


WHAT    IS    THE    NATURE    OF    WAR?  33 

our  reason  has  become  a  wreck  ;  but  the  doubt  that  would  lessen 
the  rule  of  Omnipotence  in  the  least  of  all  things,  would  open 
upon  us  that  dreadful  and  withering  alternative,  that  he  who 
fails  in  the  least  of  things  may  fail  in  the  greatest.  With  us, 
such  a  doubt  can  have  no  place. 

What  is  war  ?  War  is  a  form  of  national  death  or  suffer 
ing.  It  is  the  conflict  of  arms  between  two  nations  to  sustain 
right,  or  in  attempts  to  continue  wrong.  Or,  in  the  language 
of  the  Hon.  Mr.  Rhett,  of  S.  C.,*  "  In  its  effects  it  is  not  con 
fined  to  those  engaged  in  military  operations.  It  is  not  with 
the  army  and  navy  merely.  War  is  a  state  of  hostility  and 
enmity  between  every  man,  woman,  and  child,  of  one  nation, 
with  every  man,  woman,  and  child,  of  another  nation.  All 
property,  as  well  as  life,  is  subject  between  the  belligerents  to 
the  law  of  violence  every  where  —  on  sea  or  land."  But  this 
question  leads  us  to  first  principles,  and  to  ask  what  are  the  prin 
ciples  of  war,  the  fundamental  principles  of  war,  as  developed 
in  man  and  in  nature. 

We  may  learn  much  from  analogy.  All  nature  is  made  elo 
quent  by  the  power  of  God,  and  speaks  the  language  of  truth 
itself.  Let  us  study  what  we  can  see,  what  we  can  know, 
without  arrogating  those  impious  assumptions  that  would  make 
us  wise  above  our  Maker. 

We  find  the  principle  of  war  in  all  things,  even  in  peace 
societies  against  war.  It  may  be  seen  in  the  elements, 
as  displayed  in  the  tempests  of  the  sky  and  upon  the  bil 
lows  of  the  mighty  deep.  It  may  be  found  in  the  earth, 
in  its  soils  and  substances ;  t  in  the  countless  forms  of 
vegetable  growth,  in  their  processes  of  decay  and  reproduc 
tion.  |  It  may  be  seen  in  the  insect  world,  as  illustrated  by 

*  See  Speech  of  Mr.  Rhett,  delivered  in  the  U.  S.  House  of  Repre 
sentatives. 

t  As  developed  in  chemistry.  The  termpoison  is  but  another  word 
for  war,  —  the  ^car  of  matter. 

%  Plants  are  poisonous  and  antidotal.  Many  of  them,  and  shrubs, 
have  means  of  defence.  These  means  are  the  prickles  and  thorns 


34  WHAT    IS    THE    NATURE    OF    WAR  ? 

its  systems  of  defence,  conquest,  and  destruction.*  It  may 
be  seen  in  the  viper's  fang,f  in  the  heron's  claw,|  and  in  the 
woodpecker's  tongue.^  It  may  be  seen  in  the  lion's  tooth,  and 

•with  which,  we  find  them  armed.  The  euphorbia,  the  cactus,  and 
other  similar  plants,  are  in  a  good  degree  preserved  by  their  thorns  from 
violence.  The  gardener  may  protect  the  rose  in  the  greenhouse,  but  it 
relies  upon  its  own  means  of  protection  in  the  field.  We  have  a  sin 
gular  example  in  the  dioncca  muscipula.  "  Its  leaves  are  jointed,  and 
furnished  with  two  rows  of  strong  prickles  ;  their  surfaces  covered 
with  a  number  of  minute  glands,  &c.  When  these  parts  are  touched 
by  the  legs  of  flies,  the  two  lobes  of  the  leaf  instantly  spring  up,  the 
rows  of  prickles  lock  themselves  fast  together,  and  squeeze  the  unwa 
ry  animal  to  death."  In  this  description  of  Smellie,  we  have  omitted 
any  allusion  "  to  a  sweet  liquor  "  which  he  supposes  was  secreted  by 
the  glands  to  allure  the  flies.  Such  is  not  the  fact. 

*  The  reader  must  be  familiar  with  numerous  examples  illustrat 
ing  this  remark.  Some  of  the  most  interesting  may  be  found  in  the 
history  of  the  ant  and  the  bee. 

t  The/an^  of  a  viper  is  a  clear  and  curious  example  of  mechanical 
contrivance.  It  is  a  perforated  tooth,  loose  at  the  root ;  in  its  quiet 
state  lying  down  flat  upon  the  jaw,  but  furnished  with  a  muscle, 
which,  with  a  jerk,  and  by  the  pluck,  as  it  were,  of  a  string,  sudden 
ly  erects  it.  Under  the  tooth,  close  to  its  root,  and  communicating 
with  the  perforation,  lies  a  small  bag  containing  the  venom.  When 
the  fang  is  raised,  the  closing  of  the  jaw  presses  its  root  against  the 
bag  underneath,  and  the  force  of  this  compression  sends  out  the  fluid, 
with  a  considerable  impetus,  through  the  tube  in  the  middle  of  the 
tooth.  —  Paley's  Natural  Theology.  That  the  venom  of  the  serpent  has 
its  use  in  nature,  there  can  be  no  question.  That  there  are  exempts 
from  its  dangers  may  be  inferred  from  the  warning  which  the  rattle 
snake  gives  when  about  to  bite,  and  from  the  shining  qualities  of  the 
cencoatl  in  the  dark,  (a  poisonous  snake  of  Mexico,)  to  notify  the 
traveller  of  its  presence,  and  of  his  danger. 

%  The  middle  claw  of  the  heron  and  cormorant  is  toothed  and 
notched  like  a  saw.  These  birds  are  great  fishers,  and  these  notches 
assist  them  in  holding  their  slippery  prey. 

§  The  woodpecker  lives  chiefly  upon  insects  lodged  in  the  bodies 
of  decayed  or  decaying  trees.  For  the  purpose  of  boring  into  the 
wood,  it  is  furnished  with  a  bill,  straight,  hard,  angular,  and  sharp. 
When,  by  means  of  this  piercer,  it  has  reached  the  cells  of  the  insects, 
then  comes  the  office  of  its  tongue  ;  which  tongue,  first,  is  of  such  a 


WHAT    IS    THE    NATURE    OF    WAR  ?  35 

in  the  eye  of  the  monarch  of  the  sea.*  It  may  be  seen  in  all 
things  which  have  life  or  growth  ;  in  the  means  of  defence  with 
which  they  are  supplied,  implying  power  of  attack  or  resistance. 
If  we  look  into  society,  we  find  the  elements  of  war  in  the 
defence  which  is  given  to  liberty  of  person,  of  property,  and  of 
life.  In  violation  of  law,  all  are  taken  by  common  consent  of 
society.  The  vagrant  is  fined,  the  criminal  punished,  and  the 
murderer  hanged. f  Here  we  find  violence  to  meet  violence, 
even  between  individuals,  where  a  milder  course  is  practica 
ble,  and  would  prove  more  efficient ;  and  yet  before  this  step 
is  taken,  nations  are  called  upon  to  denounce  war,  when  all 
other  remedies,  in  the  present  condition  of  the  world,  are  im 
practicable.  All  reforms  commence  with  the  individual,  and, 
after  passing  through  the  various  conventional  circles,  reach 
the  nation.  Let  the  commencement  be  seen  before  the  end  is 
demanded. 

length,  that  the  bird  can  dart  it  out  three  or  four  inches  from  the  bill, 
in  this  respect  differing  greatly  from  every  other  species  of  bird ;  in 
the  second  place,  it  is  tipped  with  a  stiff,  sharp,  bony  thorn  ;  and  in 
the  third  place,  this  tip  is  dentated  on  both  sides,  like  the  beard  of  an 
arrow  or  the  barb  of  a  hook.  —  Paley's  Natural  Theology. 

*  In  viewing  the  structure  of  the  eye,  as  adjusted  to  the  condition 
of  fishes,  we  may  remark  the  peculiar* thickness  of  the  sclerotic  coat 
in  the  whale.  Although  he  breathes  the  atmosphere,  and  lies  out  en- 
the  surface  of  the  water,  to  escape  his  enemies  he  will  plunge  so**a«> 
hundred  fathoms  deep.  The  pressure  therefore  must  be  very  great  upon 
his  surface,  and  on  the  surface  of  the  eye.  —  De  la  Beche.  When  we 
make  a  section  of  the  whole  eye,  cutting  through  the  cornea,  the 
sclerotic  coat,  which  is  dense  as  tanned  leather,  increases  in  thick 
ness  towards  the  back  part,  and  is  full  five  times  the  thickness  be 
hind  that  it  is  at  the»anterior  part.  The  natural  enemies  of  the  whale 
are  the  sword-fish  and  the  shark ;  and  it  is  stated,  that  this  huge 
creature,  being  without  means  of  defence  of  any  kind,  carries  his  ene 
mies,  that  have  fixed  upon  him,  to  a  depth  of  water,  and  consequently 
to  a  pressure,  which  subdues  them,  as  their  bodies  are  not  constituted 
for  such  depths.  It  is  under  this  instinct  that  when  the  whale 
receives  the  harpoon,  he  dives  to  the  bottom. 

t  Many  of  the  most  respectable  citizens  of  Massachusetts,  exempli 
gratia,  have  for  many  years  opposed,  with  all  their  ability  and  influ- 


36  WHAT    IS    THE    NATURE    OF    WAR  ? 

If  we  turn  to  man,  we  find  him  a  being  of  thought  and  pas 
sions,  a  living  example  of  conflict  within  himself,  and  with 
others  ;  *  his  mind  endowed  with  powers  to  discover,  and  his 
limbs  with  aptitudes  for  destruction  and  defence.  We  find  his 
physical  system  guarded  by  numberless  laws,  as  by  a  soldiery, 
inflicting  pains  for  all  acts  of  violation  and  neglect.  Pain  is 
the  body's  protector,  its  scourge  and  friend.  If  we  follow 
him  to  the  world  of  thought,  there  science  and  religion  are 
found  to  be  contests  for  truth ;  and  all  the  elements  of  right 
and  wrong,  in  that  eternal  conflict  of  which  no  man  can  pre 
dict  the  end.  We  find  him  at  the  head  of  nations,  with  his 
armies  of  attack  and  defence,  and  with  a  magnitude  of  means 
corresponding  to  the  magnitude  of  his  power.  Man  meets 
man,  nations  meet  nations.  Instinct  points  out  the  enemy  of  an 
insect,  reason  discovers  the  enemy  of  man.  What  is  this  but 
a  system  of  divine  beneficence  ?  a  beautiful  system  of  progres 
sive  growth  in  the  forms  of  matter  and  of  mind.  It  gives 
even  to  death  a  feature  of  beauty,  inasmuch  as  it  makes  an  in 
dispensable  element  of  life.  It  is  but  the  steps  between  the 
great  changes  in  the  ceaseless  progress  of  all  created  things. 
There  are  forms  of  death  to  every  form  of  life.  There  are 
conditions  of  life  to  every  form  of  being.  Even  the  immortal 
ity  of  the  soul  itself  is  based  upon  this  principle  ;  it  cannot  live 
except  the  body  die.  And  with  what  awe  and  submission  should 
we  speak  it,  —  the  infinite  love  of  the  Father  of  all  is  made 
known  to  his  children  by  the  blood  of  His  only  Son  stream 
ing  from  the  cross  !  What  is  it,  then,  that  we  would  ask  ?  are 
we  wise  above  God,  that  we  should  blindly  regard  his  works  ? 
Are  nations  without  the  pale  of  God's  laws  and  protection  ? 

ence,  the  abolition  of  capital  punishment ;  and  yet  they  are  violent  in 
their  opposition  to  war.  They  are  willing  to  put  a  population  of 
more  than  700,000  people  against  a  single  unarmed  man  to  the  death, 
and  still  they  cannot  see  the  necessity  of  war  !  Some  of  the  other 
States  are  in  the  same  position.  Some  have  made  a  glorious  begin 
ning  in  the  cause  of  reform,  by  abolishing  capital  punishment. 
*  St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  chap.  vii. 


WHAT    IS    THE    NATURE    OF    WAR  ?  37 

Have  we  no  faith  in  his  ways,  no  belief  in  his  providence  ? 
Rather  let  us  confess  ignorance,  than  profess  knowledge  that 
is  impious.  War  at  all  times  is  a  power  of  fearful  respon 
sibility.  Let  us  study  its  principle,  and  learn  its  conditions, 
that  peace  may  come  from  knowledge.*  Let '  us  point 
out  its  terrible  penalties,  that  wisdom  may  realize  -the  great 
privilege  of  avoiding  them.  Let  us  find  the  value  of  life  by 
knowing  its  conditions  ;  its  objects,  by  understanding  its  laws. 
Our  position  is  one  of  ignorance  and  imperfection  ;  and  men 
tal  darkness  is  a  state  of  suffering.  Our  destiny  is  one  of  prog 
ress  ;  a  gradual  increase  of  mental  light.  A  state  of  ignorance 
and  imperfection  is  a  state  of  war,  implying  all  the  causes 
necessary  to  produce  it.  A  state  of  knowledge  and  obedience 
to  God's  laws,  is  a  state  of  peace,  implying  all  the  causes 
necessary  to  preserve  it. 

Because  we  find  in  war  an  important  element  of  reform, 
because  we  find  it  in  the  constitution  of  God's  providence,  we 
would  not  withhold  our  admiration  from  the  friends  of  peace. 
The  mission  of  Christ  was  one  of  peace,  and  we  honor  all  who 

*  Where  a  high  state  of  civilization  is  found,  £here  also  the  arts  of 
war  will  be  fully  understood.  But  the  axiom,  that  inferiority  of  war 
like  implements  proves  an  unwarlike  nation,  is  false  ;  for  wars  have 
been  as  numerous,  as  bitter,  and  as  continuing,  when  waged  by  bar 
barians  with  no  better  weapons  than  clubs  and  arrows,  as  when  we 
have  laid  all  the  powers  of  chemistry  and  mechanism  under  contribu 
tion,  to  do  that  scientifically  in  the  mass,  that  the  savage  is  forced  to 
do,  like  a  butcher,  with,  his  own  hand,  in  detail.  Indeed,  the  more 
certain  the  efficiency  of  the  destructive  engines,  the  more  certain  is 
the  reign  of  peace.  —  Review  of  Howison's  European  Colonies.  -Metrop. 
Mag.  Lond.  Vol.  XI.  p.  181.  The  patents  taken  out  in  the  United 
States  for  the  invention  of  "Jirearms  and  implements  of  icar,  and  parts 
thereof,  including  the  manufacture  of  shot  andt  gunpowder,"  stand  as 
belonging  to  the  citizens  of  the  several  States  as  follows :  Maine,  7  ; 
N.  H.,  6  ;  Vt.,  5  ;  Mass.,  40  ;  B.  L,  1 ;  Conn.,  20  ;  N.  Y.,  50  ;  N.  J., 
3 ;  Penn.,  46  ;  Del.,  2  ;  Md.,  10  ;  Ya.,  10  ;  S.  C.,  2  ;  Ga.,  1  ;  Ala.,  1 ; 
La.,  1  ;  Ky.,  3  ;  Ohio,  9 ;  Mich.,  1 ;  Ind.,  2 ;  Mo.,  1  ;  —  all  other 
States,  none.  See  the  valuable  reports  of  the  Hon.  Edmund  Burke, 
Commissioner  of  the  TJ.  S.  Patent  Office. 
4 


38  WHAT    IS    THE    NATURE    OF    WAR  ? 

follow  in  the  glory  of  his  teachings.  Their  standard  is  in  the 
bow  of  the  cloud,  reflecting  beauty  to  a  world.  Their  mission 
comes  after  war,  and  without  war  their  mission  had  not  been 
known.*  War,  like  a  storm  in  its  dark  masses,  moves  over 
the  fair  face  of  nature,  spreading  dismay  and  destruction  in  its 
path;  while  peace, with  its  benignant  smiles, like  the  sunshine, 
follows  and  lights  up  the  scenes  of  its  past  fury,  and  gains  new 
features  of  beauty,  and  new  joys  by  contrast.  War  destroys 
but  to  renovate,  and  it  is  the  province  of  peace  to  exalt  and 
beautify.  The  soldier  and  the  friend  of  peace  can  exist  only 
together.!  The  friend  of  peace  is  the  friend  of  man,  the  phi- 

*  In  a  discourse  recently  delivered  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Dewey,  before 
the  American  Peace  Society,  he  manifests  a  candor  that  is  hardly  in 
keeping  with  his  views.  He  says,  "  In  past  years  I  have  often  thought 
and  said,  that  the  cause  of  peace  languished  for  the  want  of  antago 
nism.  The  case  seemed  too  plain.  The  cause  was  too  good.  There 
was  not  opposition  enough  to  stir  up  the  requisite  zeal  in  its  friends. 
But  within  a  year  past  a  spirit  has  sprung  up  in  this  very  country 
that  offers  antagonism  enough.  We  see  that  the  war  spirit  has  not 
died  out  of  the  human  heart."  Dr.  Dewey  is  not  an  ultra  partisan  in 
respect  to  war.  He  says,  "  for  I  do  not  contend  that  in  every  possi 
ble  case  it  is  wrong  to  take  the  sword." 

f  "  We  hear  much  (not  too  much,  certainly)  concerning  the  hor 
rors  of  war.  The  picture  which  is  drawn  of  those  horrors  is  not  over 
charged.  It  is  all  true  to  fact  and  reality.  The  catalogue  of  atroci 
ties  which  war  occasions  is  easily  filled  up,  because  those  atrocities 
are  public,  notorious  transactions,  enacted  in  the  open  face  of  Heav 
en.  The  passions  that  lead  to  them  are  such  as  may  be  indulged, 
throxigh  the  license  of  the  world's  opinion,  without  scruple.  But 
can  any  reflecting  man  doubt,  that  as  large,  if  not  a  still  larger  cata 
logue  of  what  may  be  called  the  horrors  of  peace,  —  such,  I  mean,  as 
belong  exclusively  to  a  time  of  peace,  such  as  war  banishes,  and 
may  perhaps  be  regarded  as  a  remedy  for  in  Providence,  —  might  be 
made  out  ?  Take,  for  example,  the  times  that  preceded  the  first 
French  revolution  ;  consider  the  state  of  society  in  that  country,  the 
morals  of  the  people  in  all  classes,  the  monstrous  abuses  which  were 
not  only  tolerated  but  consecrated  by  the  insane  delusion  which  left, 
unburied  and  chained  to  the  living  body  of  society,  the  dead  and 
corrupt  past ;  and  if  our  horror  at  the  bloody  scenes  which  followed 


CHRISTIAN    NATIONS    AND    WAR.  39 

lanthropist  that  would  lift  him  to  duty  and  to  happiness.  The 
soldier  is  the  fearless  pioneer  who  gives  him  opportunity  to 
make  known  and  to  execute  his  beneficent  purposes,  and  to 
accomplish  his  ends.  The  soldier  strikes  down  the  barriers  of 
wickedness  which  claim  no  defence  but  in  physical  strength, 
and  which  reason  and  intelligence  would  require  long  ages  to 
overcome  ;  and  it  is  the  friend  of  peace  who  follows  in  his 
mildness,  but  in  his  power,  to  establish  harmony,  and  to  make 
known  the  moral  laws  of  God,  where  ignorance,  sin,  and  mis 
ery  only  were  known  before. 

All  Christian  nations  agree  that  war  is  a  calamity  pregnant 
with  inherent  evils,  and  fraught  with  consequences  which  every 
patriot  who  is  true  to  the  noblest  attributes  of  his  nature  sin 
cerely  strives  to  avert.  On  this  momentous  subject  the  civilized 
world  stands  united  in  theory,  and  every  consideration  of  a  moral 
nature  seems  to  confirm  and  strengthen  this  proposition  as  one 
of  ultimate  adoption.  The  entire  voice  of  two  hundred  mil 
lions  of  Catholics  and  Protestants  responds  amen  to  the  uni 
versal  prayer  for  peace  among  all  nations.  No  man  in  his  heart, 
no  nation  in  its  councils,  no  league  in  its  policy,  demands  war. 

is  not  diminished,  is  not  our  amazement  less,  when  we  trace  those 
scenes  to  their  true  cause  ?  *  *  *  We  can  see  what  the  contem 
poraries  of  the  great  tragedy  were  too  near  to  discern,  —  that  the 
interests  of  humanity  required  that  there  should  be  a  violent  social 
convulsion,  and  an  overthrow  of  existing  institutions.  The  soil  of 
society  must  be  broken  up  by  the  ploughshare  of  revolution  and  war, 
before  it  could  be  prepared  to  produce  what  humanity  craved.  Con 
sider  the  thirty  years  of  peace  with  which  the  nations  of  the  first 
class  in  Christendom  have  been  blessed  since  the  career  of  Napoleon 
was  terminated  on  the  decisive  field  of  Waterloo.  And  is  there  any 
thinking  man  among  us,  so  blindly  wedded  to  theory,  or  so  afraid  of 
betraying  a  good  cause  by  acknowledging  a  plain  truth,  who  believes 
or  will  assert  that  such  a  peace  could  have  been  enjoyed  for  so  long 
a  period,  had  it  not  been  preceded  by  the  desolating  but  purifying 
flame  of  war,  which  was  allowed  to  pass  over  the  earth,  and  to  burn 
up  the  corrupt  noxious  materials  that  had  been  accumulating  for 
centuries  ?  —  Eev.  Mr.  Lunt's  Artillery  Election  Discourse.  (Boston, 
1847.) 


40  STANDARD    OF    THE    CHRISTIAN    WORLD. 

The  statesman  who  gives  direction  to  the*  destiny  of  his  coun 
try  by  internal  measures  of  economy,  and  who  frames  treaties 
with  foreign  powers  for  the  protection  of  rights  and  the  just 
interests  of  men,  admits  of  no  principle  which  would  justify 
war  in  preference  to  an  honorable  peace,  or  predicate  the 
welfare  of  a  nation  upon  the  magnitude  of  its  power.  All 
rest  upon  the  illimitable  basis  of  Christian  principle,  which 
has  its  origin  in  the  will  of  the  Almighty,  and  its  develop 
ment  in  the  deeds  of  good  men,  and  in  the  just  measures  of 
nations.  This  is  the  acknowledged  STANDARD  of  the  Christian 
world. 

With  this  standard  before  us,  it  becomes  a  serious  question 
how  far  war  has  been  or  may  be  made  the  instrument  of  power 
in  advancing  the  cause  of  human  freedom,  and  of  securing  to 
the  citizen  of  every  clime  a  just  and  permanent  government. 
The  progress  of  nations  is  as  unequal  as  that  of  individuals ; 
and  as  the  freedom  and  prosperity  of  the  latter  always  stand 
in  relation  to  the  stability  of  the  former,  all  temporary, 
minor  considerations  of  individual  interest,  or  of  comfort, 
should  be  made  to  yield  to  the  ultimate  good  of  all.  The 
want  of  principle  in  a  nation  which  denies  to  its  citizens  that 
protection  to  which  they  are  entitled  ;  the  weakness  of  a. gov 
ernment  which  i§  continually  subjecting  its  citizens  to  changes 
destructive  of  all  those  privileges  which  render  existence  a 
blessing ;  the  subserviency  of  a  nation  professing  to  be  free 
and  independent,  and  which  fails  to  take  care  of  itself;  its 
submission  to  degrading  terms  of  stronger  powers,  are  causes 
sufficient  to  produce  not  only  revolutions  at  home,  but  to 
undermine  and  absolutely  to  destroy  all  confidence  in  the  sta 
bility  and  integrity  of  its  government  abroad.  Such  a  people 
and  such  a  nation  becomes  a  living  reproach  to  the  form  of 
government  which  it  has  adopted,  and  a  legitimate  prey  to  all 
enemies  of  free  institutions.  The  penalty  for  all  violation  of 
principle,  if  continued  and  persisted  in,  whether  done  by  an 
individual  or  a  nation,  is  inevitable  ;  it  is  uncompromising  de 
struction.  The  individual  loses  his  liberty,  but  the  nation  its 


WAR    INCIDENT    TO    HUMANITY.  41 

existence.  The  law  secures  the  former,  while  the  strong 
power  of  the  sword  ends  the  latter.  The  former  is  a  measure 
to  protect  society,  the  latter  for  the  protection  and  advance 
ment  of  nations.  Any  nation  that  submits  to  insult  and  wrong, 
loses  the  measure  of  its  own  influence  in  advancing  her  true 
interests,  and  is  false  to  posterity.  The  fact  of  yielding  to 
another  power,  where  justice  forbids  it,  is  a  double  wrong  — 
it  favors  neither  party  as  a  measure  of  policy,  and  impairs  the 
power  of  both  to  promote  the  universal  cause  of  humanity. 
In  this  view,  war  to  the  nation  is  what  justice  is  to  the  individ 
ual.  It  is  a  result,  in  the  nature  of  things,  which  becomes  in 
its  turn  a  most  powerful  cause  in  the  correction  of  evils  of  the 
greatest  magnitude.  Thus  it  has  ever  been,  and  thus  it  will 
ever  continue,  until  nations  shall  be  prepared  for  a  different 
course. 

In  the  deep  and  mighty  current  of  all  past  time,  war  has 
been  incident  to  humanity,  a  part  of  the  destiny  of  all  nations, 
of  all  ages ;  and  it  is  with  a  feeling  of  awe  and  reverence  that 
we  are  forced  to  admit  that  it  is  yet  to  be  the  mysterious  and 
terrible  instrument  of  good,  in  the  ruling  of  that  Providence 
which  governs  and  controls  the  world  of  worlds,  and  all  appa 
rent  differences  adjust  in  final  harmony.  "  So  soon  as  Chris 
tianity  shall  gain  a  full  ascendency  in  the  world,"  says  Dr. 
Chalmers,  "  from,  that  moment  war  is  to  disappear." 

There  is  no  power  which  is  fundamental  or  permanent  but 
moral  power,  and  that  endures  forever.  All  physical  power,  all 
forms  of  existence,  whether  conventional  or  national,  are  tem 
porary,  and  are  incidental  to  the  great  ends  of  life.  Nothing 
can  preserve  a  nation  but  moral  power,  and  if  physical  power 
be  employed  to  sustain  any  other  principle,  it  destroys  its  own 
means.  Ultimate  success,  in  a  just  war,  is  inevitable.  Ulti 
mate  success,  in  an  unjust  war,  is  impossible.  Injustice  can 
not  be  successful  in  the  very  nature  of  things.  It  may  appear 
to  be  so,  but  this  appearance  is  utterly  deceptive.  To  admit 
such  a  proposition  would  be  atheistical. 

The  great  evils  of  war,  such  as  the  loss  of  life,  violence, 
4* 


42  SUBJECTS    PROPOSED. 

expenditure  of  means,  are  entirely  of  a  transient  nature.  They 
appear  very  formidable  as  the  events  of  time,  but  in  relation 
to  eternity,  utterly  insignificant.  Death  is  the  lot  of  all,  but 
the  death  of  a  soldier  should  be  signalized  as  a  sacrifice  in  the 
great  cause  of  humanity. 

Most  of  the  great  expenditures  of  government  in  war  are 
made  among  its  own  people,  and  the  evils  usually  attributed  to 
them  are  doubtless  oftentimes  much  exaggerated.  The  checks 
to  trade  and  industry,  the  absorption  of  time  and  talents  for  a 
single  object  to  the  neglect  of  others,  are  evils  which  all 
deplore  ;  buf  they  are  temporary.  Temporary  evils,  or  pri 
vate  sufferings,  are  of  no  account  whatever  in  determining  the 
solemn  duty  of  a  nation  when  called  upon  to  prosecute  a  war 
that  is  just.*  When  justice  requires  it,  war  becomes  a  national 
duty.  Let  it  be  so  regarded,  let  it  be  so  understood,  and  wars 
will  be  lessened.  Let  the  penalties  of  a.  nation's  wrong  be  as 
terrible  as  its  power  is  mighty.  Let  its  might  be  on  the  side  of 
right  and  freedom  ;  let  its  decrees  protect  the  good,  and  be  a 
source  of  terror  to  the  wicked.  Let  a  nation's  glory  be  a 
nation's  righteousness,  and  its  wars  will  be  few  and  victorious. 

The  war  that  is  just  closed  has  been  with  a  sister  Republic,  a 
nation  professedly  of  free  institutions,  and  claiming  to  stand 
upon  the  same  platform  as  our  own.  In  her  prosperity  Mexico 
had  our  congratulations,  and  in  her  misfortunes  she  had  our 
sympathy.  And  while  it  is  to  be  lamented  that  her  first  war 
of  any  duration  with  another  nation  has  been  with  the  United 
States,  it  must  be  regarded  as  a  singular  truth,  that  by  no  other 
foreign  power  could  she  have  been  chastised  and  saved. 

Our  inquiries  with  respect  to  this  war  will  embrace,  1st,  Its 
causes ;  2d,  A  comparative  view  of  the  acts  of  the  two  govern 
ments  ;  3d,  The  prosecution  of  the  war  ;  and  4th,  Its  justice 
and  results. 

*  See  Appendix  D. 


THE    CAUSES    OF    THE    WAR.  43 


THE    CAUSES    OF   THE   WAR. 

In  analyzing  causes  of  national  acts,  it  is  a  common  error  to 
confound  the  fundamental  with  the  casual,  and  thus  to  lose  that 
literal  order  of  cause  and  effect  which  alone  exhibits  events  in 
their  true  relation.  The  process  of  cause  and  effect  in  the 
formation  of  national  character,  though  not  always  obvious  to 
the  student,  is  subjected  to  undeviating  laws.  The  success  or 
failure  of  a  nation  is  no  accident.  The  virtue  or  vice  of  a 
people  come  not  from  chance.  Chance  may  have  its  meaning 
with  man,  but  it  has  no  place  in  Providence.  National  growth 
or  decay,  national  strength  or  weakness,  national  glory  or  deg 
radation,  may  be  traced  by  a  faithful  hand  to  a 'series  of  causes 
as  exact  and  certain,  could  they  be  pictured  to  the  eye,  as  the 
development  of  a  flower  from  the  seed,  or  an  oak  from  the 
acorn.  The  moral  world  without  laws  would  be  a  nullity. 
The  moral  world  without  certainty  would  be  a  mockery.  The 
moral  world  without  growth  and  progress  would  be  an  ab 
surdity. 

We  would  not  be  understood  as  making  the  assertion,  that 
all  events  may  be  clearly  traced  to  their  legitimate  causes,  for 
the  mind  of  man  is  not  yet  equal  to  the  task  :  time  and  knowl 
edge  may  lead  to  this  ;  but  we  confidently  state  our  belief  in  that 
constitution  of  things  which  is  governed  by  eternal  and  unal 
terable  laws,  and  which  would  prove  to  us  the  greatest  source 
of  evidence,  if  we  would  but  patiently  study  its  parts  and  solve 
its  beautiful  harmony.  All  philosophy  is  but  a  knowledge  of 
cause  and  effect,  and  all  success,  the  result  of  correct  applica 
tion  of  its  principles. 

In  proceeding,  therefore,  to  investigate  the  causes  of  the  war 
between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  we  shall  endeavor  to 
avoid  the  errors  which  have  appeared  to  characterize  the  dis 
cussions  of  Congress  and  the  views  of  journalists.  With  all 
deference  to  abler  minds,  it  has  seemed  to  us  that  ultimate 
effects  have  been  placed  as  primary  causes,  and  that  the  casual 


44  THE    CAUSES    OF    THE    WAR. 

has  been  mistaken  for  the  fundamental.*  Not  that  any  event 
should  be  excluded,  in  the  examination,  which  is  calculated  to 
enlighten  ;  but  that  we  should  not  deceive  ourselves  by  de 
rangement  of  evidence.  We  need  not  warn  the  reader  against 
the  fallacy  of  the  ancient  metaphysicians,  in  the  adoption  of 
syllogisms  to  prove  the  truth  of  a  proposition  ;  and  yet,  if  a 
parallel  were  wanting,  there  is  much  in  modern  logic  that 
would  furnish  it  without  violence  or  injustice.! 

*  "  The  Peace  Society  of  Massachusetts  near  1825  instituted  an 
inquiry  into  the  actual  causes  of  war,  and,  besides  a  multitude  of 
petty  ancient  wars,  and  of  those  waged  by  Christian  nations  with 
tribes  of  savages,  ascertained  286  wars  of  magnitude  to  have  had  the 
following  origin  :  22  for  plunder  or  tribute ;  44  for  the  extension  of 
territory  ;  24  for  retaliation  or  revenge ;  6  about  disputed  boundaries  ; 
8  respecting  points  of  honor  or  prerogative  ;  5  for  the  protection  or 
extension  of  comnerce ;  55  civil  wars  ;^  41  about  contested  titles  to 
crowns  ;  30  under  pretence  of  assisting  allies  ;'  23  from  mere  jealousy 
of  rival  greatness ;  28  religious  wars,  including  the  crusades  ;  not  one 
for  defence  alone."  —  Peace  Society  Tract,  No.  LVII. 

What  a  commentary  on  divine  Providence  !  If  we  are  permitted 
to  finish  our  more  extended  work  on  the  late  war,  it  is  our  purpose 
to  enlarge  upon  this  topic. 

f  The  ancient  metaphysicians  conceived  that  most  questions  could 
be  settled  by  syllogisms.  It  was  certainly  very  convenient.  They 
always  had  logical  truth  in  their  own  keeping.  The  following  prop 
ositions,  which  we  give  from  memory,  ex  gr.,  were  clearly  proved 
syllo'j  is  t  ica  II y . 

"  A  glass  of  wine  fuddles  a  man." 
"  A  kernel  of  grain  makes  a  bushel." 
"  A  feather  breaks  a  camel's  back." 

The  process  is  quite  irresistible.  The  question  is  repeated  for  each 
glass  of  wine  given  to  the  man,  for  each  kernel  of  grain  put  into  the 
measure,  and  for  each  feather  put  upon  the  camel's  back.  Will  the 
first  produce  the  result ?  No.  Will  the  second?  No;  and  so  forth, 
until  the  negative  is  changed  to  the  affirmative.  It  is  the  last  glass, 
the  last  kernel,  the  last  feather,  that  produces  the  result.  The  proof 
is  complete  ;  and  what  was  considered  remarkable  by  the  ancients, 
it  is  complete  by  consent  of  parties.  By  this  process,  the  march  to 
the  Rio  Grande  may  be  placed  methodically  as  the  cause  of  the  war. 
Was  there  war  before  the  march  ?  No.  Was  there  war  after  the 
march  ?  and  so  forth. 


ANCIENT    MEXICO.  45 

In  order  to  judge  correctly  of  the  causes  of  this  war,  it  is 
necessary  that  we  should  understand  the  present  and  past  con 
dition  of  the  two  nations.  What  has  Mexico  been,  and  what 
has  she  done  ?  What  have  been  the  acts  of  the  United  States 
with  regard  to  Mexico  ?  These  are  questions  which,  if  properly 
answered,  will  give  us  some  insight  into  the  true  causes  of 
the  war. 

Our  prescribed  limits  will  not  permit  us  to  give  many  details 
of  history,  further  than  mere  %  outlines  that  may  enable  the 
reader  to  understand  our  views.  If  we  would  fully  understand 
the  Mexican  character,  we  must  study  the  Aztec  race  before 
the  conquest  of  Cortes.  It  is  quite  true  the  changes  since  that 
period  have  been  many  and  great ;  still,  without  some  knowl 
edge  of  the  causes  which  have  produced  them,  we  cannot 
hope  to  avoid  errors  of  opinion  in  respect  to  the  Mexicans  as 
they  are.  Let  us  turn  for  a  moment  to 

ANCIENT  MEXICO. 

The  following  quotations  from  Prescott's  CONQUEST  OF 
MEXICO,  —  and  we  cannot  quote  from  this  author  without 
commending  him  for  his  ability  and  faithfulness,  —  may  be 
here  introduced  with  great  propriety,  as  affording  in  a  few 
words  his  reflections  upon  the  fall  of  that  ancient  empire,  and 
particularly  as  they  embrace  the  elements  of  the  causes  which 
produced  that  fall. 

After  speaking  of  the  wonders  of  the  conquest,  of  its  romantic 
and  legendary  features,  he  says,  — 

"  Yet  we  cannot  regret  the  fall  of  an  empire  which  did  so 
little  to  promote  the  happiness  of  its  subjects,  or  the  real  inter 
ests  of  humanity.  Notwithstanding  the  lustre  thrown  over  its 
latter  days  by  the  glorious  defence  of  its  capital,  by  the  mild 
munificence  of  Montezuma,  by  the  dauntless  heroism  of 
Guatemozin,  the  Aztecs  were  emphatically  a  fierce  and  brutal 
race,  little  calculated,  in  their  best  aspects,  to  excite  our  sym 
pathy  and  regard.  Their  civilization,  such  as  it  was,  was  not 


46  ANCIENT    MEXICO. 

their  own,  but  reflected,  perhaps  imperfectly,  from  a  race 
whom  they  had  succeeded  in  the  land.  It  was  in  respect  to 
the  Aztecs,  a  generous  graft  on  a  vicious  stock,  and  could  have 
brought  no  fruit  to  perfection.  They  ruled  over  their  wide 
domains  with  a  sword,  instead  of  a  sceptre.  They  did  nothing 
to  ameliorate  the  condition  or  in  any  way  promote  the  progress 
of  their  vassals.  Their  vassals  were  serfs,  used  only  to  min 
ister  to  their  pleasure,  held  in  awe  by  armed  garrisons,  ground 
to  the  dust  by  imposts  in  peace,  by  military  conscriptions  in 
war.  They  did  not,  like  the  Romans,  whom  they  resembled 
in  the  nature  of  their  conquests,  extend  the  rights  of  citizenship 
to  the  conquered.  They  did  not  amalgamate  them  into  one 
great  nation,  with  common  rights  and  interests.  They  held 
them  as  aliens,  even  those  who,  in  the  valley,  were  gathered 
round  the  very  walls  of  the  capital.  The  Aztec  metropolis, 
the  heart  of  the  monarchy,  had  not  a  sympathy,  not  a  pulsation, 
in  common  with  the  rest  of  the  body  politic.  It  was  a  stranger 
in  its  own  land. 

"  The  Aztecs  not  only  did  not  advance  the  condition  of  their 
vassals,  but,  morally  speaking,  they  did  much  to  degrade  it. 
How  can  a  nation,  where  human  sacrifices  prevail,  and  espe 
cially  when  combined  with,  cannibalism,  further  the  march  of 
civilization  ?  How  can  the  interests  of  humanity  be  consulted, 
where  man  is  levelled  to  the  ranks  of  the  brutes  that  perish  ? 
The  influence  of  the  Aztecs  introduced  their  superstition  into 
lands  before  unacquainted  with  it,  or  where,  at  least,  it  was 
not  established  in  any  great  strength.  The  example  of  the 
capital  was  contagious.  As  the  latter  increased  in  opulence, 
the  religious  celebrations  were  conducted  with  still  more  terrible 
magnificence  —  in  the  same  manner  as  the  gladiatorial  shows 
of  the  Romans  increased  in  pomp  with  the  increasing  splendor 
of  the  capital.  Men  became  familiar  with  scenes  of  horror 
and  the  most  loathsome  abominations  ;  women  and  children  — 
the  whole  nation  —  became  familiar  with  and  assisted  at  them. 
The  heart  was  hardened,  the  manners  were  made  ferocious, 
the  feeble  light  of  civilization,  transmitted  from  a  milder  race, 


MODERN    MEXICO.  47 

was  growing  fainter  and  fainter,  as  thousands  and  thousands 
of  miserable  victims,  throughout  the  empire,  were  yearly  fat 
tened  in  its  cages,  sacrificed  on  its  altars,  dressed  and  served 
at  its  banquets  !  The  whole  land  was  converted  into  a  vast 
human  shambles  !  The  empire  of  the  Aztecs  did  not  fall 
before  its  time." 

In  another  place,  comparing  the  ancient  with  the  modern 
Mexicans,  the  same  accomplished  historian  remarks,  — 

"  The  American  Indian  has  something  peculiarly  sensitive 
in  his  nature.  He  shrinks  instinctively  from  the  rude  touch  of 
a  foreign  hand.  Even  when  this  foreign  influence  comes  in 
the  form  of  civilization,  he  seems  to  sink  and  pine  away 
beneath  it.  It  has  been  so  with  the  Mexicans.  Under  the 
Spanish  domination,  their  numbers  have  silently  melted  away. 
Their  energies  are  broken.  They  no  longer  tread  their  moun 
tain  plains  with  the  conscious  independence  of  their  ancestors. 
In  their  faltering  step,  and  meek  and  melancholy  aspect,  we 
read  the  sad  characters  of  the  conquered  race.  The  cause  of 
humanity,  indeed,  has  gained.  They  live  under  a  better  sys 
tem  of  laws,  a  more  assured  tranquillity,  a  purer  faith.  But 
all  does  not  avail.  Their  civilization  was  of  the  hardy  char 
acter  which  belongs  to  wilderness.  The  fierce  virtues  of  the 
Aztec  were  all  his  own." 

For  our  present  purpose  it  is  unnecessary  to  add  to  the  lan 
guage  of  Prescott,  in  regard  to  ancient  Mexico,  as  it  is  of 
greater  importance  that  we  should  give  a  more  particular  atten 
tion  to 

MODERN    MEXICO. 

Under  the  most  favorable  circumstances,  a  colonial  govern 
ment  labors  under  numerous  disadvantages.  Detached  and 
isolated  from  the  sources  of  its  own  power,  it  cannot  realize 
that  individuality  necessary  to  energy  and  advancement.  Genius 
can  have  no  encouragement  to  give  birth  to  enlightened 
systems  of  national  polity,  which,  to  be  developed,  requires 
national  concentration ;  and  individual  pride  lies  dormant 


48  MODERN    MEXICO. 

where  the  ultimate  objects  of  ambition  centre  in  powers  of 
foreign  origin  and  foreign  control.  Such  evils  increase  with 
the  increase  of  population. 

This  was  true  of  the  British  American  colonies,  where  the 
people  were  of  common  origin  and  of  one  blood.  But  if  we 
look  to  the  condition  of  the  Spanish  colonies  of  North  America, 
before  the  separation  of  the  viceroyalty  of  Mexico  from  the 
crown  of  Spain,  we  shall  find  the  blighting  influences  of  hate, 
jealousy,  and  revenge  giving  character  to  the  motives  and  acts 
of  the  different  races,  castes,  and  orders,  and  rendering  gov 
ernment  a  military  rule,  and  necessarily  destructive  to  the 
rights  and  well-being  of  the  people.  The  outrages  of  the 
Spaniards  in  the  overthrow  of  the  Montezumas  make  the  real 
and  traditionary  history  of  the  mixed  castes  arid  native  inhabit 
ants  of  Mexico  ;  and  their  hate  has  been  continued  for  centu 
ries,  and  but  little  unabated  even  to  the  time  of  Iturbide.  Most 
of  the  honors  and  emoluments  of  government  were  given  to 
Europeans,  and  what  was  first  deemed  a  system  of  outrage, 
was  resolved  into  a  system  of  settled  injustice.  It  was  the 
reign  of  royalty  and  ignorance,  of  selfishness  and  wrong. 

In  this  condition  of  things,  was  it  strange  that  the  first  revo 
lutionists  of  Mexico  should  prove  to  be  robbers  and  murderers, 
and  that  the  first  efforts  of  the  masses  of  the  people  to  act  for 
themselves  should  develop  ignorance,  intrigues,  corruption, 
criminal  frauds,  debasing  servility,  indecision,  imbecility,  and 
all  that  variety  of  causes  which  end  in  anarchy  !  *  In  the  adop- 

*  The  first  abortive  effort,  which  was  commenced  in  1809,  by 
Hidalgo  and  Allende,  had  not  for  its  object  the  establishment  of  a 
republic  or  of  free  institutions  ;  if,  indeed,  free  institutions  can  exist 
under  any  other  form  of  government.  That  movement  had  its  origin 
in  feelings  of  enthusiastic  and  devoted  loyalty,  which,  up  to  that 
time,  was  the  ruling  passion  in  the  heart  of  every  Spaniard.  The 
abdication  of  the  legitimate  monarch  of  Spain,  the  atrocious  perfidy 
by  which  it  was  obtained,  and  the  transference  of  the  sovereignty  of 
the  country  to  the  emperor  of  France,  which  country  had  for  cen 
turies  been  regarded  as  the  hereditary  enemy  of  Spain,  were  the  true 
causes  of  the  insurrection  in  Mexico  in  1809.  It  was  begun  under 


MODERN    MEXICO.  49 

tion  and  execution  of  the  "  plan  of  Iguala  "  *  and  treaty  of 
Cordova,  all  these  fearful  developments  were  made. 

An  ignorant  race  is  jealous,  cowardly,  and  cruel.  It  can 
neither  protect  the  interests  of  others  or  conceive  of  its  own. 
There  is  nothing  in  nature  more  terrific  than  the  rising  of  an 
ignorant  people,  who  have  been  chained  down  by  an  unrighteous 
power.  All  desire  comfort  and  consideration,  and  most  fail 
in  their  wishes,  because  they  have  no  faith  in  integrity.  Their 
experience  has  taught  them  a  most  bitter  selfishness,  and  it  is 
the  work  of  time  alone  that  can  convey  to  their  benighted 
minds  even  the  ordinary  knowledge  of  what  is  due  to  them 
selves  and  to  others. 

By  the  third  article  of  the  plan  of  Iguala,  all  distinction  of 
castes  was  abolished,  so  that  all  individuals,  whether  Spaniards, 
Americans,  Indians,  or  Africans,  were  placed  on  equal  footing. 
At  this  time,  the  republican  form  of  government  was  proposed 
and  urged  by  several  members  of  the  Junta,  but  the  proposition 
was  successfully  opposed  by  Iturbide  and  others.  The  views 
of  Iturbide  were  expressed  with  an  honest  manliness  highly 
creditable  to  him.  "  Nature,"  said  he,  "  produces  nothing  by 
sudden  leaps  ;  she  operates  by  intermediate  degrees.  The 
moral  world  follows  the  laws  of  the  physical.  To  think  that 
we  could  emerge  all  at  once  from  a  state  of  debasement  such 
as  that  of  slavery,  and  from  a  state  of  ignorance  such  as  has 
been  inflicted  on  us  for  three  hundred  years,  during  which  we 
had  neither  books  nor  instructors,  and  the  possession  of  knowl 
edge  had  been  thought  a  sufficient  cause  for  persecution  ;  to 
think  that  we  could  gain  information  and  refinement  in  a 
moment,  as  if  by  enchantment ;  that  we  could  acquire  every 
virtue,  forget  prejudices,  and  give  up  false  pretensions,  was  a 
vain  expectation,  and  could  only  have  entered  into  the  visions 
of  an  enthusiast." 

In  1822,  Iturbide  was  declared  emperor  by  the  people  ;  but 

the  auspices  of  the  Spanish  viceroy,  and  had  for  'its  object,  real  as 
well   as  professed,  the  saving  of  that  portion  of  his  dominions  for 
Ferdinand  VII.  —  Thompson's  Recollections  of  Mexico. 
*  See  Appendix  E. 

5 


50  MODERN    MEXICO. 

before  the  new  government  could  be  fully  organized,  he  was 
deposed  by  factionists  and  banished.*  In  1824,  Mexico 
became  a  republic,  and  a  federal  constitution  was  adopted. 
General  Victoria  was  elected  the  first  president,  and  he  has 
been  succeeded  by  such  men  as  Pedraza,  Guerrero,  Busta- 
mente,  Santa  Anna,  Herrera,  and  Paredes,  as  presidents  or 
dictators,  at  best,  with  scarcely  an  exception,  rival  military 
adventurers.  Actuated  by  no  higher  motives  than  those  of 
personal  aggrandizement,  they  manifested  no  patriotism  above 
party  purposes,  and  but  little  conscience  above  self-interest. 
Having  no  hold  upon  the  affections  of  the  people,  they  relied 
upon  no  security  except  military  rule,  and  this  was  made  sub 
ject  to  the  greatest  treachery,  or  to  the  greatest  cunning. 

Without  any  settled  principles  of  self-respect  above  egotism  ; 
without  independence  not  subject  to  an  army ;  t  without  honesty 
not  subject  to  bribery  and  duplicity ;  without  knowledge  not  neu 
tralized  by  superstition  ;  without  religion  not  subject  to  vanity  J 

*  There  are  diversity  of  views  with,  respect  to  the  character  of 
Iturbide.  We  shall  not  attempt  to  reconcile  them  in  this  place. 
In  speaking  of  the  congress  of  this  time,  Mr.  Thompson  says,  "Xo 
similar  body,  under  like  circumstances,  has  evinced  more  virtue, 
firmness,  and  constancy,  than  did  the  congress  of  Mexico  in  resist 
ing  the  usurpation  and  tyranny  of  Iturbide,  surrounded  as  he  was  by 
his  pretorian  band." 

t  In  his  speech  at  Charleston,  S.  C.,  Mr.  Webster  says,  "Our 
neighbor,  the  unfortunate,  miserably  governed  Mexico,  \vhen  she 
emerged  from  her  revolution,  had  in  her  history  nothing  of  repre 
sentative  government,  habeas  corpus,  or  trial  by  jury  ;  no  progressive 
experiment  tending  to  a  glorious  consummation  ;  nothing  but  a  gov 
ernment  calling  itself  free,  with  the  least  possible  freedom  in  the 
world.  She  had  collected,  since  her  independence,  300,000,000  dol 
lars,  and  had  unprofitably  expended  it  all  in  putting  up  one  revolu 
tion  and  putting  down  another,  and  in  maintaining  an.  army  of 
40,000  men,  in  time  of  peace,  to  keep  the  peace." 

J  The  wife  of  General  Canalizo  died  whilst  he  was  president  ad 
interim,  during  the  absence  of  Santa  Anna.  She  was  embalmed,  and 
had  a  pair  of  glass  eyes  inserted,  and  lay  in  state  for  several  days, 
gorgeously  dressed,  and  glittering  in  jewels.  —  Thompson's  Recol. 


REPUBLIC    OF    MEXICO.  51 

and  a  priesthood  ;  *  without  virtue  not  debased  by  licentious 
ness  ;  without  enterprise  t  not  blasted  by  frivolous  pride  or 
indolence;  —  the  people  of  this  country  have  claimed  to  be 
acknowledged  as  free  and  independent,  and  to  be  regarded  as 
within  the  pale  of  civilization  and  Christianity.  Without 
genius  or  moral  power,  they  have  failed  to  organize  a  govern 
ment  that  is  above  their  own  condition.  Their  government 
has  been  true  only  to  its  origin.  It  has  been  proud  without 
magnanimity,  sensitive  without  honor,  extravagant  without 
means,  poor  without  prudence,  cruel  without  courage,  arid  bold 
without  virtue.  It  has  proved  false  to  its  sacred  trusts  ;  it  has 
impoverished  the  country,  debased  the  people,  connived  at 
riot,  robbery,  and  murder,  J  encouraged  violence,  engendered 
civil  war,  and  sanctioned  treason.  It  has  legalized  plunder  in 
the  acts  of  its  citizens,  and  violated  treaties  in  its  intercourse 
with  foreign  nations.  It  has  imprisoned  the  free  citizens  of 
other  countries,  robbed  the  unprotected  traveller,  §  executed 
the  innocent  stranger,  and  assassinated  the  honest  minister. 
We  say  that  government  has  done  all  this,  because  such  acts 
have  been  committed  by  the  citizens  of  Mexico,  and  have  been 
sustained  in  their  wickedness.  At  no  period,  hardly,  since  that 

*  There  are  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  alone,  seven  or  eight  hundred 
secular,  and  near  two  thousand  regular  clergy. 

f  The  enterprise  of  the  Mexicans  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact, 
that  they  sent  to  Massachusetts  for  the  granite  with  which  to  build 
their  custom-house  at  Vera  Cruz,  although  they  have  stone  equally 
good  within  ten  miles  of  that  city. 

J  "It  is  monstrous,"  says  Gilliam,  "when  the  great  majority  of 
the  inhabitants  of  a  country  are  swindlers,  thieves,  and  murderers, 
in  an  unqualified  manner,  as  is  the  case  in  Mexico." 

§  "  Understanding,  as  I  now  do,"  says  Mr.  Gilliam,  "  the  duplicity 
of  the  Mexicans,  and  their  policy,  I  should  not  be  surprised  if  some 
in  power  should  have  known  more  of  Mr.  Shannon's  robbery  than 
might  become  them.  But,  as  Santa  Anna  and  his  officers  are  the 
acknowledged  heads  of  a  band  of  pirates,  it  cannot  be  astonishing 
that  he  should  tolerate  such  deeds." 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Mr.  Gushing,  on  his  return  from  China 
through  Mexico,  was  robbed. 


52  REPUBLIC    OF    MEXICO. 

Republic  has  been  in  existence,  have  her  prisons  been  without 
guiltless  tenants  from  our  country,  and  at  no  period  within  the 
memoiy  of  man  have  life  and  property  been  safe  within  its 
boundaries.*  Mexico  has  neglected  education  and  all  modern 
means  of  reform,  and  has  failed  to  secure  the  honest  citizen 
in  his  rights,  and  the  industrious  in  the  fruits  of  his  labor.t 

There  is  no  fiction  in  this  melancholy  recital ;  our  language 
is  true  to  reality.  On  this  point  we  have  no  occasion  for  cor 
roborative  evidence,  as  no  one  will  doubt  us.  However  much 
politicians  have  been  willing  to  oppose  the  late  war  with  Mex 
ico,  there  are  none,  no,  not  one,  who  is  prepared  deliberately 
to  speak  well  of  that  benighted  country.  They  have  not  only 
been  unwilling  to  testify  to  her  integrity  as  a  nation,  but  have 
actually  disclaimed,  in  advance,  all  inferences  that  might  be 
made  from  their  remarks,  which  should  seem  to  sanction  her 
past  practices.  The  delusion  has  been  complete.  Indeed,  it 
has  been  cruel.  She  has  been  wrong  in  every  thing  except 
the  war ;  and  in  regard  to  that,  right  in  every  thing,  except 
defeat !  Why  should  she  be  reminded  of  her  errors,  in  her 
first  attempts  to  do  right  ?  Why  should  she  be  blinded  by  a 
false  sympathy  that  increased  her  evils,  and  by  a  mock  spirit 
of  instigation  to  reject  her  best  friends  ? 

We  are  free  to  confess  our  wonder,  that  the  Republic  of 
Mexico  has  been  preserved  so  long ;  that  its  faithless  and 

*  See  Appendix  F. 

f  For  the  amount  of  general  intelligence,  and  the  extent  of  the 
wealth  and  commercial  intercourse  of  the  middle  classes,  there  is 
more  licentiousness  and  vice  than  in  any  other  country  on  the 
globe.  The  Catholic  church  has  nowhere  so  corrupt  a  priesthood. 
It  is  the  policy  of  this  class,  and  the  rich,  to  keep  the  lower  orders 
in  ignorance,  in  order  that  they  may  prostitute  them  to  subserve 
their  selfish  and  unworthy  purposes.  There  are  probably  not  5000 
females,  out  of  the  population  of  8,000,000,  who  can  read  and  write. 
—  Gittiam's  Travels  in  Mexico.  Mr.  Mayer  says,  in  his  interesting 
work,  "that  in  the  year  1840,  while  $180,000  were  spent  for  hospitals, 
fortresses,  and  prisons,  and  $8,000,000  for  the  army,  (with  no  foreign 
•war,)  only  $110,000  were  given  to  all  the  institutions  of  learning  in 
Mexico." 


PRIMARY    CAUSES    OF    THE    WAR.  53 

barbarous  acts  should  have  been  permitted  by  civilized 
nations  to  occur  so  often  and  without  redress  ;  that  its  people 
have  been  spared  to  live  with  so  little  nakedness  and  starva 
tion.  In  no  way  can  we  account  for  this  exemption  from 
instant  accountability,  except  it  be  in  the  indulgent  and  mis 
guided  forbearance  of  nations.  Her  weakness  and  position 
have  been  her  protection.  Her  worst  enemies  have  been 
within  her  own  limits  ;  the  great  sources  of  her  evils  have  been 
in  her  own  rulers  ;  the  greatest  obstacles  to  her  success  have 
been  in  the  ignorance  of  her  own  people. 

The  period  of  her  retribution  had  come.  She  had  improved 
the  seed-time  of  iniquity,  and  it  remained  that  she  should 
gather  her  own  bitter  harvests.  Bound  and  fettered  by  political 
impostors,  encamped  and  fortified  within  her  vitals,  and  blinded 
by  bigots  that  knew  no  grace  but  physical  power,  nothing 
could  save  her  but  a  foreign  war.  Not  a  war  forced  without 
cause,  but  produced  by  laws  of  violated  nature  —  produced  by 
her  own  misguided  acts  and  negligence  ;  a  war  of  literal  justice. 
It  was  as  likely  to  happen  with  one  nation  as  with  another,  but 
most  likely  with  one  nearest  her  borders. 

The  primary  causes  of  the  war  with  Mexico  may  be  found 
in  her  past  acts,  which  we  have  reviewed  ;  and  the  recent 
events  which  have  been  spoken  of  so  often,  are  but  the  ultimate 
results,  or  the  legitimate  outbreaks  of  troubles  which  have  been 
engendered  by  her  government  and  people. 

What  was  true  in  regard  to  Great  Britain,  in  1812,  has  long 
been  true  in  relation  to  Mexico.  The  relations  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States,  in  1812,  were  admirably  summed 
up  in  a  few  words  by  President  Madison,  in  a  message  to 
Congress. 

"  We  behold,"  says  Mr.  Madison.  "  in  fine,  on  the  side  of 
Great  Britain,  a  state  of  war  against  the  United  States  ;  and  on 
the  side  of  the  United  States,  a  state  of  peace  towards  Great 
Britain.  Whether  the  United  States  shall  continue  passive 
under  these  progressive  usurpations  and  these  accumulating 
wrongs,  or,  opposing  force  to  force  in  defence  of  their  national 
5* 


54  JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

rights,  shall  commit  our  just  cause  into  the  hands  of  the  Al 
mighty  Disposer  of  events,  avoiding  all  connections  which 
might  entangle  it  in  the  contest  or  views  of  other  powers,  and 
preserving  a  constant  readiness  to  concur  in  an  honorable 
establishment  of  peace  and  friendship,  is  a  solemn  question, 
which  the  Constitution  wisely  confides  to  the  legislative  depart 
ment  of  the  government.  In  recommending  it  to  their  early 
deliberations,  I  am  happy  in  the  assurance  that  the  decision 
will  be  worthy  the  enlightened  and  patriotic  councils  of  a  vir 
tuous,  a  free,  and  a  powerful  nation." 

It  is  with  no  ordinary  satisfaction  that  we  find  ourselves 
enabled  to  quote,  as  confirmatory  of  our  method  of  investiga 
tion,  a  passage  from  the  writings  of  that  eminent  statesman, 
the  late  John  Quincy  Adams.  It  is  taken  from  the  lecture 
which  he  delivered  on  the  war  between  Great  Britain  and  China 
in  1842. 

"  It  is  a  general,  but  I  believe  altogether  mistaken  opinion," 
says  Mr.  Adams,  "  that  the  quarrel  is  merely  for  certain  chests 
of  opium  imported  by  British  merchants  into  China,  and  seized 
by  the  Chinese  government  for  having  been  imported  contrary 
to  law.  This  is  a  mere  incident  to  the  dispute,  but  no  more 
the  cause  of  the  war  than  the  throwing  overboard  of  the  tea 
in  the  Boston  harbor  was  the  cause  of  the  American  revolution. 

"  The  cause  of  the  war  is  the  pretension,  on  the  part  of  the 
Chinese,  that,  in  all  their  intercourse  with  other  nations,  political 
or  commercial,  their  superiority  must  be  implicitly  acknowl 
edged,  and  manifested  in  humiliating  forms.  It  is  not  credit 
able  to  the  great,  powerful,  and  enlightened  nations  of  Europe, 
that  for  several  centuries  they  have,  for  the  sake  of  profitable 
trade,  submitted  to  this  insolent  and  insulting  pretension, 
equally  contrary  to  the  first  principles  of  the  law  of  nature 
and  of  revealed  religion  —  the  natural  equality  of  mankind  — 

'  Auri  sacra  fames, 
Quid  non  mortalia  pectora  cogis  ! '  " 


ANNEXATION    NO    CAUSE    OF    WAR  55 


INDEPENDENCE    AND    SUBSEQUENT    ANNEXATION    OF 
TEXAS. 

ANNEXATION    NO    CAUSE    OF    WAR. 

Among  the  results,  which  have  been  discussed  as  causes,  we 
find  the  Texas  question,  —  the  independence  and  subsequent 
annexation  of  Texas  as  a  State  of  our  Union. 

This  has  become  simple  history.  Parties  are  at  issue  with 
respect  to  some  facts,  which  are  riot  very  important,  even  if 
determined,  in  aiding  us  to  decide  the  general  merits  of  the 
case.  The  opponents  of  annexation  have  thought  proper  to 
assail  the  motives  of  the  friends  of  that  measure,  and,  upon 
the  assumption  that  their  views  were  correct,  have  manifested 
a  singular  prejudice  and  hostility  to  every  proposition  and 
event  which  have  grown  out  of  it.  It  is  not  our  business  to 
question  their  motives  or  their  integrity,  but  to  consider  the 
whole  subject  independently  of  them.  These  were  national 
measures,  and  as  such  we  propose  to  consider  them.  The 
motives  of  those  who  originated  and  matured  them  make  no 
part  of  the  subject.  A  good  measure  may  be  proposed  with 
bad  motives,  or  motives  that  we  cannot  approve  ;  and  bad  laws 
may  be  proposed  and  enacted  springing  from  the  best  of  mo 
tives.  Besides,  all  men  do  not  judge  accurately  of  results. 
National  measures  for  specific  interests  are  sometimes  proposed 
with  limited  views,  and  for  the  attainment  of  objects  not  to  be 
justified,  but  which,  on  examination,  are  found  to  possess  other 
features  highly  favorable  to  other  good  purposes  not  contem 
plated  by  the  original  mover.  Indeed,  they  may  prove  fatal 
to  his  intentions.  He  may  have  failed  to  study  his  own  com 
bination  of  causes,  and  he  lives  to  be  disappointed  in  the  results 
of  his  own  acts.  Let  it  be  so.  Causes  are  certain,  men  un 
certain.  We  discuss  measures  to  be  determined,  according  to 
our  best  knowledge  and  convictions  of  duty  ;  but  when  called 
upon  to  consider  the  events  of  the  past,  we  desire  to  take  them 
as  we  find  them,  approving  what  we  can,  condemning  what  we 


56  ANNEXATION    NO    CAUSE    OF    WAE. 

must.  We  can  only  judge  of  our  own  motives,  conceding  to 
others  the  same  prerogative. 

As  late  as  in  1821,  Mexico  was  subject  to  the  crown  of 
Spain ;  but,  for  reasons  deemed  sufficient  by  her  people,  she 
asserted  her  own  independence.  Her  revolution  was  success 
ful,  and  her  independence  was  acknowledged  by  the  United 
States,  January  23,  1823,  and  soon  after  by  other  leading  gov 
ernments  of  Europe.  In  1824,  she  adopted  a  federal  consti 
tution.  We  have  already  reviewed  her  history,  and  have  seen 
what  has  been  the  measure  of  her  success.  In  1834,  "  Santa 
Anna,  at  the  head  of  the  military  power,  overthrew  the  con 
stitution  of  1824,  abolished  the  state  governments,  and  estab 
lished  one  of  the  most  tyrannical  and  absolute  governments 
that  ever  existed."  *  In  1835,  the  State  of  Texas  protested 
against  the  usurpation  of  Santa  Anna,  and  insisted  upon  their 
rights,  as  guarantied  by  the  federal  constitution  of  1824.  The 
objects  of  that  constitution  were  similar  to  those  of  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  —  "  to  form  a  more  perfect  union,, 
establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  the 
common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the 
blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity." 

These  objects  were  sacred,  and  the  government  of  Mexico 
was  bound  to  be  faithful  to  the  conditions  imposed  by  the  trust. 
If  it  failed  in  the  accomplishment  of  any  one  of  them,  there 
would  be  just  cause  for  complaint  on  the  part  of  the  people, 
and  their  submission  to  such  failure  would  make  no  part  of 
duty.  If  the  government  failed  in  all  the  objects  of  the  union, 
as  set  forth,  it  would  be  regarded  as  a  case  of  absolute  weak 
ness,  criminal  design,  or  neglect,  and  nothing  but  a  total  change 
of  administration  should  satisfy  a  people  that  they  were  true  to 
themselves  or  to  their  country.  If  it  failed  not  only  to  accom 
plish  the  objects  for  which  it  was  organized,  but  usurped 
authority  in  gross  violation  of  those  objects,  then  its  measures 
were  acts  of  treason,  and  revolution  became  an  imperative  duty, 
not  to  be  avoided  without  dishonor. 

*  See  Speech  of  General  Rusk,  Senator  from  Texas. 


ANNEXATION    NO    CAUSE    OF    WAR.  57 

This  was  the  fact  with  Mexico,  and  Texas  was  the  only  State 
that  had  sufficient  character  to  oppose  successfully  the  infamous 
usurpation  of  Santa  Anna.  The  protests  of  Texas  were 
treated  by  the  usurper  as  acts  of  rebellion,  and  her  representa 
tive  was  arrested,  imprisoned,  and  was  suffered  to  lie  in  a 
loathsome  dungeon  without  a  hearing.  The  constitutions  of 
the  States  were  destroyed  ;  States  were  declared  to  be  mere 
departments  ;  they  were  deprived  of  all  legislative  authority  ; 
their  officers  were  arrested,  and  the  governors  were  made  sub 
ject  only  to  the  central  government,  thereby  becoming  the 
willing  instruments  of  tyranny.  These  acts  of  oppression 
were  followed  by  a  decree  requiring  the  States  as  well  as 
individuals  to  surrender  up  all  the  arms  they  had  in  their  pos 
session.  Not  satisfied  with  these  outrages,  agents  were  sent 
by  the  tyrant  to  instigate  the  Indians,  whose  numbers  were 
large,  to  exterminate  with  the  scalping-knife  and  tomahawk  a 
people  who  were  hated  because  they  were  feared. 

Submission  to  such  outrages,  executed  in  the  name  of  free 
dom,  can  excite  no  sentiment  but  that  of  indignation  in  the 
breast  of  every  friend  of  liberty ;  while,  on  the  other  hand, 
we  should  not  withhold  our  admiration  for  that  small  band  of 
pioneers  who  had  the  courage  to  defend  their  rights  against  a 
nation  that  counted  its  millions  of  subjects.  Becoming  per 
suaded  that  their  Tot  would  be  one  of  hardship  and  oppression 
as  connected  with  the  general  government,  the  Texans  declared 
their  independence  on  the  2d  of  March,  1835. 

The  usurper  marched  his  hireling  troops  to  the  soil  of  that 
brave  people,  conscious  of  superior  strength,  certain  of  victory, 
and  impatient  for  the  bloody  work  which  should  remove  all  sub 
jects  unwilling  to  be  slaves.  The  successes  of  his  army  were 
crowned  with  INFAMY,*  and  the  battle  of  his  own  controlling 
with  defeat. 

On  the  21st  of  April,  a  large  portion  of  his  army,  under  his 

*  We  need  only  mention  the  base  betrayal  of  Zacatecas,  and  the 
cold-blooded  and  treacherous  massacre  of  Colonel  Fanning,  and  his 
force  of  four  hundred  men. 


58  ANNEXATION    NO    CAUSE    OF    WAR. 

own  command,  met  the  Texans,  under  General  Houston,  on  the 
plains  of  San  Jacinto.  An  engagement  took  place,  and  half 
of  his  troops  were  slain,  and  the  other  half  were  taken  prison 
ers  of  war,  including  the  tyrant  himself.  Apparently  hum 
bled,  the  dictator  sued  for  terms  of  peace,  and  after  some 
hesitation  on  the  part  of  the  Texans,  a  treaty  was  made  and 
executed.*  Rights  were  defined,  and  boundaries  stated.  The 
independence  of  Texas  was  to  be  acknowledged  by  Mexico, 
and  the  parties  to  the  instrument  on  the  part  of  Mexico  pledged 
themselves  faithfully  to  use  their  influence  in  procuring  a  rati 
fication  of  its  stipulations  by  their  own  government. 

From  this  moment  Texas  was  free  and  independent.  She 
was  left  by  Mexico  in  undisturbed  repose,  though  the  treaty  of 
Santa  Anna  was  basely  disregarded  by  the  Mexicans  who  exe 
cuted  it,  and  was  denounced  and  disavowed  by  their  govern 
ment.  In  1837,  the  independence  of  Texas  was  acknowledged 
by  the  United  States,  and  in  quick  succession  by  the  great 
powers  of  Europe.  . 

Here  was  one  of  the  results  of  the  folly,  weakness,  neglect, 
and  wickedness  of  Mexico.  She  lost  some  of  her  best  citizens, 
and  a  large  portion  of  her  richest  soil.  It  was  a  result  that  all 
good  men  must  rejoice  in,  for,  whether  we  consider  most  the 
gain  to  Texas,  to  the  United  States,  or  to  the  cause  of  freedom, 
we  cannot  but  regard  the  independence  of  this"  State,  and  subse 
quent  annexation,  as  events  of  justice  to  Mexico,  and  one  of 
instruction  to  the  age. 

Here  was  a  sovereign  power  in  a  country  that  was  ceded  by 
our  government  to  Spain  in  1820,  in  violation  of  our  treaty 
stipulations  with  France  in  1803,  and  much  against  the  views 
of  many  of  our  people. f  Texas  became  her  own  sovereign 
master,  and  was  free  to  choose  her  own  destiny. 

*  See  Appendix  G. 

f  We  insert,  with,  much  confidence,  in  our  Appendix  some  extracts 
from  a  letter  of  the  Hon.  R.  J.  Walker,  addressed,  in  1844,  to  the 
people  of  Kentucky,  "  relative  to  the  re- annexation  of  Texas,"  &c. 
This  letter  embraces  a  large  amount  of  information,  and  is  written 
with  great  ability.  See  Appendix  H. 


IMPORTANCE    OF    TEXAS.  59 

Actuated  by  no  unworthy  motives  of  ambition,  her  defend 
ers  became  devoted  to  her  true  interests,  and  proved  faithful  as 
citizens  and  rulers.  They  had  no  objects  in  government  but 
security  in  their  rights  and  interests,  and  it  soon  became  a  seri 
ous  question  how  these  might  best  be  preserved  and  advanced. 
Having  the  elements  of  prosperity  within  her  limits,  her  pop 
ulation  increased,  the  riches  of  her  soil  were  made  mani 
fest,  and  soon  the  young  Republic  became  the  subject  of  notice 
and  favor  of  foreign  and  rival  nations.  Annexation  to  the 
United  States  was  proposed,  as  being  preferable  to  national 
sovereignty  with  national  weakness  ^—  a  measure  of  adding  a 
lesser  power  to  receive  a  greater.  It  was  a  measure  of  duty 
and  interest  to  them,  and  one  of  national  concern  and  impor 
tance  to  the  Union, 

In  regard  to  the  importance  of  Texas  to  the  United  States, 
much  has  been  said  by  distinguished  citizens  of  all  parties.  It 
is  not  a  recent  question,  and  not  until  lately  has  it  been  made 
a  party  question.  Indeed,  its  importance  has  been  so  fully 
acknowledged  by  statesmen  entitled  to  our  confidence  and 
respect,  irrespective  of  party,  that  any  enlargement  here  upon 
the  subject  might  be  deemed  by  some  an  act  of  supererogation.* 
It  is  now  one  of  the  States  of  the  Union  ;  and  while  we  cannot 
speak  from  personal  observation  of  the  value  or  beauty  of  its 
territory,  we  may  be  permitted  to  quote  the  language  of  the 
Hon.  W.  S.  Archer,  of  Virginia,  chairman  of  the  committee 
of  foreign  relations  in  the  House  of  Representatives  in  1822. 
At  that  time  he  delivered  a  speech  on  the  subject  of  appointing 
a  minister  to  Mexico,  from  which  we  make  the  following  ex 
tract.  He  pronounced  the  territory  "  one  of  the  richest  and 
most  favored  portions  of  the  habitable  earth.  I  say  tMs  delib 
erately,  for  if  I  were  called  upon  to  select  any  portion  of  the 
earth's  surface  which  was  fitted  by  nature  to  become  the  gar 
den  spot  of  the  globe,  I  should  without  hesitation  point  to  the 
province  of  Texas."  This  was  not  an  expression  of  party  sen- 

*  See  Appendix  H. 


60  ANNEXATION    NO    CAUSE    OF    WAR. 

timent,  as  no  party  lines,  at  the  period  of  its  utterance,  had  been 
drawn  in  reference  to  its  possession.  All  desired  it,  but  it  was 
in  a  position  to  be  acquired  only  by  purchase  of  a  foreign  nation. 

That  Mexico  should,  in  the  chagrin  and  folly  of  her  course, 
endeavor  to  force  the  allegiance  of  Texas,  was  a  circumstance  to 
be  anticipated.  Where  injustice  makes  up  the  policy  of  a  nation, 
desperation  ever  finds  an  apologist  in  pride,  and  patriotism  a 
virtue  in  necessity.  Her  pretensions  of  right  to  govern  Texas, 
when  she  had  proved  herself  utterly  incapable  of  protecting  the 
ordinary  interests  even  of  a  single  city  of  her  dominion,  are  ab 
solutely  too  ridiculous  to  merit  serious  refutation.  If  Texas 
were  not  entitled  to  independence  after  the  events  of  her  rev 
olution,  then  no  people  can  ever  hope  to  be  fully  justified  in 
opposing  tyranny,  or  in  any  attempts  to  establish  justice  and 
equality  among  men. 

And  yet,  while  we  would  not  impute  to  Mexico  utter  igno 
rance  of  her  own  demerits,  we  cannot  but  think  that  she  has 
been  encouraged  in  her  downward  course  in  consequence  of 
opinions  expressed  by  public  men  of  the  United  States.  If  she 
would  not  hesitate  knowingly  to  persist  in  wrong,  we  may  well 
suppose  that  she  would  eagerly  seize  all  flattering  or  promising 
influences  that  seemed  to  favor  her  desperate  and  ill-featured 
cause. 

A  distinguished  citizen  of  Kentucky,*  in  a  letter  written  in 
1844,  says,  "  I  consider  the  annexation  of  Texas  at  this  time, 
without  the  assent  of  Mexico,  compromising  the  national  char 
acter,  and  involving  us  certainly  in  a  war  with  Mexico,  and 
probably  with  other  foreign  powers."  t 

Mr.  Clay  was  a  candidate  for  the  presidency,  and  more  than 

*  Hon.  Henry  Clay. 

t  And  yet,  in  1847,  in  a  speech  delivered  at  Lexington,  he  asks, 
"  Who  would  now  think  of  perpetrating  the  follv  of  casting  Texas  out 
of  the  confederacy,  and  throwing  her  back  upon  her  independence, 
or  into  the  arms  of  Mexico  r  Who  would  seek  to  divorce  her  from 
this  Union  ? "  And  why  not  ?  If  annexation  were  an  act  of  injustice 
to  Mexico,  it  could  not  be  "  folly  "  to  repair  the  wrong. 


ANNEXATION    NO    CAUSE    OF    WAR.  61 

any  other  man,  perhaps,  the  chief  of  a  powerful  party.  A 
single  word  from  his  lips  or  pen  would  afford  such  a  nation  as 
that  of  Mexico  encouragement  in  the  greatest  folly,  in  the  most 
hopeless  cause.  We  would  not  speak  lightly  of  a  man  who 
has  filled  with  honor  so  many  pages  of  his  country's  history  ; 
but  while  we  admit  his  merits,  and  the  correctness  of  some  of 
his  views  on  questions  of  public  importance,  we  cannot  but 
regret  that  want  of  consistency  which  charity  would  attribute 
to  his  party  prepossessions  rather  than  to  his  judgment. 

Mr.  Clay  has  not  been  alone  in  the  expression  of  views  tend 
ing  to  encourage  Mexico.  Some  of  our  State  governments 
adopted  resolutions  ;  public  men  and  editors  expressed  opinions 
for  party  purposes,  defending  the  cause  of  Mexico  against  their 
own  country.  It  has  been  asserted  that .  Santa  Anna  prepared 
a  document  made  up  of  speeches  and  editorials  put  forth  in  this 
country  concerning  the  war,  for  circulation  among  his  soldiers 
and  people*  It  is  easy  to  see  how  the  doubts  of  a  powerful 
enemy  would  have  more  influence  in  Mexico,  than  any  knowl 
edge  of  strength,  where  weakness  prevailed,  or  of  any  confi 
dence  of  success,  in  the  absence  of  means  and  system. 

It  is  a  plain,  open  case.  The  facts  are  before  us.  Specula 
tion  is  unnecessary.  A  knowledge  of  common  justice  and 
national  law  gives  us  no  alternative  but  to  read  the  evidence, 
and  see  the  legitimate  conclusion. 

In  a  speech  delivered  in  the  U.  S.  Senate,  March,  1848,  by 
Mr.  Webster,  we  find  the  following  paragraph,  in  the  emphatic 
language  of  that  distinguished  senator  :  — 

"  I  state  now,  sir,  what  I  have  often  stated  before  —  that  no 
man,  from  the  first,  has  been  a  more  sincere  well  wisher  to  the 
government  and  people  of  Texas  than  myself.  I  looked  upon 
the  achievement  of  their  independence  in  the  battle  of  San 
Jacinto  as  an  extraordinary,  almost  marvellous,  incident  in  the 


*  See  speech  of  Colonel  Burnet,  delivered  at  Philadelphia;    of 
Colonel  Doniphan,  at  St.  Louis ;  and  the  statements  of  Wynkoop, 
and  Morgan,  and  of  other  officers,  published  in  the  journals. 
6 


62  ANNEXATION    NO    CAUSE    OF    WAR. 

affairs  of  mankind.  I  was  among  the  first  disposed  to  acknowl 
edge  her  independence." 

In  1842,  Mr.  Webster,  then  secretary  of  state,  in  a  despatch 
to  the  minister  of  the  United  States  at  Mexico,  said,  "  From 
the  time  of  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  in  April,  1836,  to  the 
present  moment,  Texas  has  exhibited  the  same  external  signs 
of  national  independence  as  Mexico  herself,  and  with  quite  as 
much  stability  of  government.  Practically  free  and  inde 
pendent  ;  acknowledged  as  a  political  sovereignty  by  the 
principal  powers  of  the  world  ;  no  hostile  foot  finding  rest 
within  her  territory  for  six  or  seven  years  ;  and  Mexico  her 
self  refraining  for  all  that  period  from  any  further  attempt  to 
reestablish  her  own  authority  over  the  territory." 

In  a  speech  delivered  by  the  Hon.  R.  Johnson,  of  Maryland, 
in  the  U.  S.  Senate,  on  the  10th  and  llth  January,  1848,  he 
says,  "  Sir,  annexation  of  itself  would  not  have  been  war ; 
Mexico  had  no  right  to  make  it  a  cause  of  war.  Texas'  inde 
pendence  had  been  too  long  established  and  undisturbed  to 
have  her  absolute  right  of  sovereignty  called  in  question." 

Texas  became  independent  of  Mexico  in  the  same  manner 
that  our  States  became  independent  of  Great  Britain  ;  and  if 
her  title  among  nations  was  not  good,  then  there  is  no  reason 
why  ours  should  be.  This  being  admitted,  the  event  of  annex 
ation  was  not  a  matter  within  the  control  of  Mexico,  much  less 
could  it  be  cause  for  war.  That  it  was  no  cause  of  war  in  the 
opinion  of  Mexico  herself,  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact,  that 
she  offered  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  Texas,  pro 
vided  she  would  reject  all  propositions  of  annexation  to  the 
United  States  ;  or,  in  other  words,  if  she  would  not  add  to  the 
power  of  a  country  already  too  great  to  be  balanced  in  the 
scales  of  European  politicians.* 

The  short  sentence  of  Mr.  Clay,  in  1844,  was  just  enough 
to  be  dangerous  to  Mexico,  and  troublesome  to  foreign  poli- 


*  See  the  able   speech  of  the  Hon.  J.  A.  Dix,  delivered  in  the 
U.  S.  Senate,  Jan.  1848. 


ANNEXATION    NO    CAUSE    OF  WAR.  53 

ticians.  It  justified  war  on  her  part,  and  expectation  of  aid 
from  foreign  governments.  It  led  to  destruction  without  any 
responsible  guaranty  of  aid  or  safety.  It  was  a  text  for  a 
Guizot  or  a  Palmerston.  Its  apocryphal  character  was  not 
suspected.  It  was  proved,  however,  by  experiment.  Mexico 
was  compelled  to  act  without  the  poor  benefit  of  her  own 
cowardice,  and  to  find,  in  the  end,  nothing  but  contempt 
and  derision  where  she  was  persuaded  to  look  for  aid  and 
sympathy. 

Texas  was  annexed  by  act  of  Congress  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States,  and  by  Congress  and  by  a  convention  of  the 
people  on  the  part  of  Texas.*  The  authority  under  which  the 
act  of  Congress  was  passed  on  the  part  of  the  United  States, 
is  in  the  Constitution.  The  language  is  simple,  and  cannot  be 
misunderstood.  It  is  this  :  "  New  States  may  be  admitted 
by  Congress  into  this  Union  ;  but  no  new  State  shall  be  formed 
by  the  junction  of  two  or  more  States,  or  parts^  of  States,  with 
out  the  consent  of  the  legislatures  of  the  States  concerned,  as 
well  as  of  the  Congress." 

That  the  act  of  annexation  was  in  conformity  to  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States,  is  obvious  from  the  facts  in  the 
case.  The  fact  that  Texas  was  an  independent  nation  makes 
no  element  of  the  question  whatever,  inasmuch  as  she  was 
divested  of  national  prerogatives,  before  she  was  admitted  as  a 
State  of  the  Union. 

There  is  another  alleged  cause  of  the  war,  in  the  act  of  the 
war  department  of  the  United  States,  ordering  General  Tay 
lor  to  the  Rio  Grande. 

This  was  a  prudential  measure,  on  the  part  of  our  govern 
ment,  to  prevent  hostilities  by  being  prepared  for  them,  and 
properly  makes  a  portion  of  our  next  chapter.  It  is  simply  a 
historical  question  as  to  the  first  act  of  hostility  between  the 
two  nations  in  the  commencement  of  a  war,  but  in  no  sense  can 
it  be  regarded  as  the  cause.  If  it  were  the  cause  of  the  war, 
to  what  cause  are  we  to  attribute  the  assembling  of  two  armies 

*  See  Appendix  I. 


64  POSITION    AND    RELATIONS    OF    MEXICO. 

in  hostile  proximity,  and  both  stationed  at  a  great  distance  from 
their  respective  governments  ?  So  far  from  being  the  cause, 
or  even  a  cause  of  the  war,  it  is  not  to  be  classed  with  the 
measure  of  annexation  as  one  of  the  results  of  the  causes  which 
we  have  enumerated.  It  was  purely  a  preventive  measure  on 
the  part  of  our  government,  and  only  as  such  intended  and 
authorized. 

COMPARATIVE    VIEW    OF    THE    ACTS    OF    THE    TWO 
GOVERNMENTS. 

ASSUMED    POSITION    AND    NATIONAL    RELATIONS    OF    MEXICO. 

Although  the  loss  of  Texas  was  a  consequence  of  the  bad 
faith  of  Mexico,  still  Mexico  was  induced  to  assume  that 
annexation  was  sufficient  cause  of  war.  What  combination 
of  influences  led  that  nation  to  take  such  a  position  is  still  a 
matter  of  some  uncertainty.  It  is  true,  desperation  is  frequent 
ly  indicative  of  weakness,  and  boldness  or  rashness  is  made  to 
represent  power.  But  acts  of  rashness  may  be  generally  traced 
to  ulterior  motives,  to  some  contingent  redemption  or  aid  that 
may  be  possible,  or  probable,  though  not  certain.  A  bold 
position  in  a  nation  which  is  wrong  may  cost  nothing,  and  a  com 
promise  between  right  and  extravagant  claim  may  sometimes 
render  it  a  source  of  gain.  That  Mexico  was  really  ignorant 
of  her  own  character,  we  cannot  believe.  That  she  was  not 
fully  aware  of  her  own  weakness,  all  must  admit.  That  the 
embarrassments  and  confusion  of  her  own  affairs  led  her  rulers 
to  suppose  that  nothing  could  happen  to  add  new  misery  to  her 
condition,  is  more  than  probable.  She  supposed  her  chance  for 
charity  among  nations  about  equal  to  that  of  justice.  She 
was  honored  with  marks  of  sympathy,  but  she  was  deceived  by 
supposing  they  would  be  redeemed  by  acts  of  aid. 

In  what  proportion,  therefore,  the  various  influences  made 
up  her  inducements  to  action,  it  is  difficult  to  determine.  Per 
haps  it  is  unnecessary.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  her  very 
existence  required  action,  and  in  her  pride  and  weakness  she 


RELATIONS    OF    UNITED    STATES    AND    TEXAS.  65 

was  led  to  indulge  in  a  vague  belief  that  her  manifestations  of 
nationality  would  be  taken  for  strength  and  patriotism,  and 
thus  enlist  foreign  intervention.  At  that  time,  the  relations 
between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  were  unsettled. 
The  Oregon  question  was  the  great  source  of  excitement. 
Negotiation  was  of  doubtful  issue,  and  war  was  predicted. 
Foreign  powers  had  acknowledged  the  independence  of  Texas, 
and  her  favor  was  courted  both  by  England  and  France.  If 
we  had  war  with  England,  Mexico  could  follow  with  some 
degree  of  safety  in  her  wake  of  destruction.  Her  weakness 
might  be  covered  by  England's  strength,  and  English  subjects 
had  solid  interests  to  urge  them  to  such  a  union.  France 
desired  to  help  Mexico,  that  she  might  be  able  at  some  future 
day  to  help  herself,  and  she  opposed  the  dissolution  of  the 
sovereignty  of  Texas  because  it  would  add  too  much  to  the 
power  of  the  United  States. 

Thus  were  nations  at  work  as  elements  in  determining  the 
affairs  of  Mexico,  as  involved  with  those  of  Texas.  Mexico 
was  one  of  five  independent  powers,  and  she  was  willing  to 
be  the  fifth  in  order  of  influence,  and  be  subject  to  the  con 
tingent  relations  of  the  other  four ;  and  to  take  her  chance  as 
to  the  result.  She  was  made  blind  to  her  own  resources  by 
expectations  as  baseless  as  they  proved  to  be  fatal.  But,  before 
we  compare  the  acts  of  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  let  us 
glance  at  the 

RELATIONS    BETWEEN    THE    UNITED    STATES    AND    TEXAS. 

That  the  government  of  the  United  States  has  been  actuated 
by  considerations  of  strict  justice  and  liberality  to  Mexico, 
and  of  integrity  to  its  own  great  interests,  will  appear  from 
the  simple  facts  embraced  in  official  documents.  We  shall 
endeavor  so  to  classify  them  as  to  give  the  reader  a  just  and 
connected  view  of  the  evidence  which  they  contain. 

The  acts  of  governments,  as  well  as  those  of  individuals,  are 
determined  by  motives.  We  can  conceive  of  no  other  mode 
of  action,  however  manifested  or  combined.  In  judging, 
6* 


66     RELATIONS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  TEXAS. 

therefore,  either  of  collective  or  of  individual  action  by  a  few 
leading  facts,  we  must,  in  justice,  remember  the  influences  of 
the  thousand  little  things  which  indeed  make  up  the  atmos 
phere  of  the  motive  world,  and  oftentimes  characterize  it, 
though  they  cannot  be  enumerated.  We  can  hope  to  do  but 
little  in  representing  the  motives  of  either  government  by  se 
lecting  a  few  declarations,  though  we  may  aid  the  reader  by 
our  outlines  in  giving  direction  to  further  investigation. 

The  United  States  and  Texas  must  be  regarded  as  two 
sovereign  nations  engaged  in  a  negotiation  mutually  impor 
tant,  and  really  in  no  way  threatening  the  peace  or  involving 
the  interest  of  any  other  nation.  The  special  interest  of 
Mexico  in  Texas  was  forfeited  nine  years  before,  and  that 
forfeiture  was  recognized,  and  the  consequent  independence 
acknowledged,  by  the  leading  powers  of  Europe.  Notwith 
standing  this,  Mexico  assumed  the  hostile  attitude  in  regard  to 
both  in  the  contingency  that  they  agreed.  The  contingency 
of  agreement  took  place,  and  we  commence  our  documentary 
account  of  events  which  preceded  it,  and  which  are  necessary 
to  a  proper  understanding  of  what  followed. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Mexico  takes  a  forced  posi 
tion.  Any  other  nation,  according  to  the  laws  of  nations,  had 
the  same  right  as  Mexico  to  protest  against  annexation,  and 
to  threaten  war.  While  the  United  States  proposed  to  take 
nothing  from  Mexico  that  belonged  to  her,  their  government 
was  bound  to  be  faithful  in  all  its  engagements  with  Texas. 

In  literally  dissolving  her  nationality,  Texas  claimed  from 
the  United  States  that  protection  which  was  necessary  in  view 
of  successful  negotiation,  provided  she  was  invaded  by  Mexico. 
While  she  was  preparing  to  assume  a  subordinate  position,  in  a 
national  point  of  view,  as  one  of  the  States  of  this  Union,  she 
was  discontinuing  those  means  of  defence  which  would  be  no 
longer  required.  In  reply  to  her  government  on  this  point, 
the  United  States  gave 


ASSURANCE    OF    PROTECTION    TO    TEXAS.  67 


ASSURANCE   OF  PROTECTION   TO   TEXAS. 

Mr.  Buchanan,  Secretary  of  State,  to  Mr.  Donelson,   Cliargi  d?  Affaires 
of  the   U.  S.t  in   Texas,  May  23,  1845. 

"  I  am  instructed  by  the  president  to  inform  you  that,  as 
soon  as  the  existing  government  and  the  convention  of  Texas 
shall  have  accepted  the  terms  proposed  in  the  two  first  sections 
of  the  'joint  resolution  for  annexing  Texas  to  the  United 
States,'  he  will  then  conceive  it  to  be  both  his  right  and  duty 
to  employ  the  army  in  defending  that  state  against  the  attacks 
of  any  foreign  power.  This  shall  be  done  promptly  and 
efficiently,  should  any  emergency  render  it  necessary.  In 
order  to  be  prepared  for  such  a  contingency,  a  force  of  three 
thousand  men  shall  immediately  be  placed  upon  the  border, 
prepared  to  enter  Texas  and  to  act  without  a  moment's  delay. 
It  would  be  the  most  crying  injustice  towards  the  people  of 
Texas,  for  the  United  States  to  stand  by  and  refuse  to  extend 
a  helping  hand  to  sustain  them  against  an  invasion  brought 
upon  them  by  their  free  determination  to  annex  their  own 
glorious  Republic  to  the  American  Union,  in  compliance  with  a 
solemn  resolution  of  Congress." 

In  conformity  with  this  obligation,  orders  were  given  to  our 
army  and  navy.  As  these  orders  were  among  the  first  acts  of 
the  United  States,  in  granting  a  military  defence  to  Texas, 
we  give  them  nearly  entire. 

Mr.  Marcy,  Secretary  of  War,  to  General  Z.  Taylor,  at  Fort  Jesup,  La. 

"  WAR  DEPARTMENT,  May  28,  1845. 

"  I  am  directed  by  the  president  to  cause  the  forces  now 
under  your  command,  and  those  which  may  be  assigned  to  it, 
to  be  put  into  a  position  where  they  may  most  promptly  and 
efficiently  act  in  defence  of  Texas,  in  the  event  it  shall 
become  necessary  or  proper  to  employ  them  for  that  purpose. 
The  information  received  by  the  executive  of  the  United 
States  warrants  the  belief  that  Texas  will  shortly  accede  to 


68      OUR    TROOPS    TO    OCCUPY    THE    RIO    GRANDE    DEL    NORTE. 

the  terms  of  annexation.  As  soon  as  the  Texan  Congress 
shall  have  given  its  consent  to  annexation,  and  a  convention 
shall  assemble  and  accept  the  terms  offered  in  the  resolutions 
of  Congress,  Texas  will  then  be  regarded  by  the  executive 
government  so  far  a  part  of  the  United  States  as  to  be  entitled 
from  this  government  to  defence  and  protection  from  foreign 
invasion  and  Indian  incursions.  The  troops  under  your  com 
mand  will  be  placed  and  kept  in  readiness  to  perform  this  duty. 
"  Should  the  territories  of  Texas  be  invaded  by  a  foreign 
power,  and  you  shall  receive  certain  intelligence  through  her 
functionaries  of  that  fact,  after  her  convention  shall  have 
acceded  to  the  terms  of  annexation  contained  in  the  resolu 
tions  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  you  will  at  once 
employ,  in  the  most  effective  manner  your  judgment  may 
dictate,  the  forces  under  your  command,  for  the  defence  of 
these  territories,  and  to  expel  the  invaders." 

THE    RIO    GRANDE    DEL    NORTE    TO    BE     OCCUPIED    BY    OUR 
TROOPS. 

George  Bancroft,  acting  Secretary  of  War,  to  General  Taylor, 

"  WAR  DEPARTMENT,  June  15,  184o. 

"  On  the  4th  day  of  July  next,  or  very  soon  thereafter,  the 
convention  of  the  people  of  Texas  will  probably  accept  the 
proposition  of  annexation,  under  the  joint  resolutions  of  the 
late  Congress  of  the  United  States.  That  acceptance  will 
constitute  Texas  an  integral  portion  of  our  country. 

"  In  anticipation  of  that  event,  you  will  forthwith  make  a 
forward  movement  of  the  troops  under  your  command,  and 
advance  to  the  mouth  of  the  Sabine,  or  to  such  other  point  on 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  or  its  navigable  waters,  as  in  your  judg 
ment  may  be  most  convenient  for  embarkation  at  the  proper 
time  for  the  western  frontier  of  Texas. 

"  The  point  of  your  ultimate  destination  is  the  western 
frontier  of  Texas,  where  you  will  select  and  occupy,  on  or 
near  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte,  such  a  site  as  will  consist 


U.  S.  NAVY  COOPERATES  IN  THE  DEFENCE  OF  TEXAS.   69 

with  the  health  of  the  troops,  and  will  be  best  adapted  to  repel 
invasion,  and  to  protect  what,  in  the  event  of  annexation,  will 
be  our  western  border.  You  will  limit  youself  to  the  defence 
of  the  territory  of  Texas,  unless  Mexico  should  declare  war 
against  the  United  States. 

"  Your  movement  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  your  prepara 
tions  to  embark  for  the  western  frontier  of  Texas,  are  to  be 
made  without  any  delay ;  but  you  will  not  effect  a  landing  on 
that  frontier  until  you  have  yourself  ascertained  the  due 
acceptance  of  Texas  of  the  proffered  terms  of  annexation,  or 
until  you  receive  directions  from  Mr.  Donelson." 


U.  S.  SQUADRON  ORDERED  TO  COOPERATE  IN  THE  DEFENCE 
OF  TEXAS. 

Mr.  Donelson  to  Captain  Stockton,  U.  S.  Navy,  Commander  U.  S. 
Squadron,  near  Galveston. 

"  LEGATION  OF  THE  U.  S.,          ) 
"WASHINGTON,  TEXAS,  June  22,  1845.  > 

"  Captain  Waggaman  arrived  here  last  evening  with  de 
spatches  to  the  president  of  this  Republic  and  myself,  from 
General  Taylor,  who  has  been  ordered,  in  case  Texas  is  in 
vaded  by  Mexico,  to  render  the  protection  asked  for  by  this 
government.  Although  these  troops  will  be,  as  usual,  under 
the  command  of  the  regular  officers  of  the  United  States,  they 
are  yet  not  to  act  within  the  limits  of  Texas  without  consulta 
tion  with  this  government. 

"It  is  highly  important,  there  fore,  that  your  squadron  should, 
in  like  manner,  so  act  as  not  to  alter  the  general  character  of 
the  defence  which  the  United  States  will  interpose  for  Texas. 
The  whole  measure  of  annexation  being  dependent  upon  the 
consent  of  this  government,  the  employment  of  our  forces 
within  the  limits  of  Texas  must  be,  of  course,  subordinate  to 
the  necessity  which  will  exist  for  it. 

"  I  have  no  idea  that  you  would  otherwise  employ  the 
squadron  under  your  command  ;  but,  for  greater  caution,  and 
to  have  certain  evidence  in  our  possession  that  the  action  of 


70  TERMS    OF    ANNEXATION    ACCEPTED    BY    TEXAS. 

our  force  within  the  limits  of  Texas  will  be  strictly  defensive, 
I  have  thought  it  right  to  make  these  observations. 

"  It  is  almost  certain  that  our  troops  now  on  the  border 
will  be,  in  a  few  days,  on  the  march  to  such  stations  as  may 
be  selected  for  them  within  the  territory  of  Texas.  Corpus 
Christi,  San  Antonio,  and  one  other  station  farther  north,  will 
probably  be  selected. 

"  The  prospect  of  a  Mexican  war  is  so  immediate  as  to 
justify  your  remaining  on  the  lookout  for  the  event.  It  is 
openly  threatened  by  Mexico,  and  the  British  minister  has  left 
behind  him  a  general  impression  that  it  will  take  place.  If  it 
does,  your  cooperation  with  our  land  troops  I  should  think 
sufficient,  without  much  aid  from  Texas  herself,  to  drive  the 
Mexican  arms  west  of  the  Rio  Grande.  It  is  to  be  hoped, 
however,  that  Mexico,  seeing  the  determination  of  the  United 
States  to  maintain  by  force  the  right  of  Texas  to  annex  her 
self  to  our  Union,  will  yet  prefer  to  settle,  by  treaty,  the 
points  in  dispute." 

TERMS    OF    ANNEXATION    ACCEPTED    BY    THE    GOVERNMENT 
AND    PEOPLE    OF    TEXAS. 

Mr.  Donelson  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  June  23,  1845. 

"  You  will  receive  herewith  enclosed  the  joint  resolution 
and  the  letter  of  the  secretary  of  state  transmitting  it,  giving 
the  consent  of  this  government  to  the  proposals  for  the 
admission  of  Texas  as  a  State  of  the  Federal  Union.  TAfc 
vote  upon  it  was  unanimous." 

The  measure  remained  to  be  acted  upon  by  the  people  of 
Texas.  They  were  notified  by  a  proclamation  of  President 
Jones,  on  the  4th  of  June,  1845,  to  choose  delegates  to  meet  at 
the  city  of  Austin  on  the  4th  of  July  following.  The  result  in 
convention  is  stated  in  despatch,  dated  July  G,  1845,  from 

Mr.  Donelson  to  Mr.  Buchanan. 

"  There  was  but  one  dissenting  voice  to  the  acceptance  of 
our  proposals  by  the  convention,  and  that  one  afterwards  affixed 


THE  CHOICE  OF  THE  TEXANS.  71 

his  signature  to  the  resolution  adopted  on  the  subject ;  so  that 
the  ordinance  now  forwarded  to  you  has  the  unanimous  support 
of  all  the  deputies.  Thus  are  dissipated  all  the  schemes  of 
foreign  powers  to  raise  a  party  in  Texas  adverse  to  annexation ; 
and  thus  has  this  gallant  State  vindicated  her  appreciation  of 
the  principles  of  liberty,  and  of  the  necessity  of  union  with  us 
in  order  to  preserve  those  principles." 

GENERAL  TAYLOR  ADVISED  OF  ANNEXATION. 

On  the  28th  of  June,  Mr.  Donelson  advised  General  Taylor 
that  the  terms  of  annexation  had  been  unanimously  accepted 
by  the  government  of  Texas  ;  and,  on  the  7th  of  July,  that  the 
convention  of  the  people  had  unanimously  approved  the  same  ; 
"  and  that,  therefore,  the  contingency  has  occurred  on  which 
the  president  of  the  United  States  placed  the  right  and  duty 
of  defending  this  territory  against  the  attacks  of  Mexicans  and 
Indians."  On  the  23d  of  August,  the  secretary  of  war  says  to 
General  Taylor,  "  Orders  have  been  issued  to  the  naval  force 
on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  cooperate  with  you."  In  the  same 
despatch,  the  secretary  of  war  authorizes  General  Taylor  to 
call  upon  the  governors  of  Louisiana,  Alabama,  Mississippi, 
Tennessee,  and  Kentucky,  for  volunteers,  "  should  Mexico 
declare  war,  or  commence  hostilities  by  crossing  the  Rio 
Grande  with  a  considerable  force." 

THE  CHOICE  OF  THE  TEXANS. 

Ebenezcr  Allen,  Attorney-  General  of  Texas  and  acting  Secretary  of  State, 
to  Mr.  Donelson,  June  23,  1845. 

"  Rejecting  the  idea  of  separate  nationality,  although  com 
mended  to  their  choice  by  the  proffered  recognition  of  their 
independence  by  Mexico,  and  the  countenance  of  powerful 
European  sovereignties,  the  people  of  this  country  have  thus 
evinced,  by  most  decided  manifestations,  their  strong  but 
natural  preference  for  the  advantages  of  a  voluntary  incorpora 
tion  into  the  American  Union,  and  their  strong  attachment  to 
the  free  institutions  of  that  great  and  glorious  Republic." 


72  FREE  ACTION  OF  THE  TEXANS. 


FREE  ACTION  OF  THE  TEXANS.   ANNEXATION  A  BLOODLESS 
ACHIEVEMENT. 

It  is  the  language  of  truth  and  sincerity,  however  much  it 
may  be  doubted  by  partisans,  which  we  find  in  the  message 
of  President  Polk  to  Congress,  December,  1845. 

"  This  accession  to  our  territory  has  been  a  bloodless 
achievement.  No  arm  of  force  has  been  raised  to  produce  the 
result.  The  sword  has  had  no  part  in  the  victory.  \Ve  have 
not  sought  to  extend  our  territorial  possessions  by  conquest,  or 
our  republican  institutions  over  a  reluctant  people.  It  was  a 
deliberate  homage  of  each  people  to  the  great  principle  of  our 
federative  Union. 

"  If  we  consider  the  extent  of  territory  involved  in  the 
annexation,  its  prospective  influence  on  America,  the  means 
by  which  it  has  been  accomplished,  springing  purely  from  the 
choice  of  the  people  themselves  to  share  the  blessings  of  our 
Union,  the  history  of  the  world  may  be  challenged  to  furnish  a 
parallel." 

The  president  had  acted  openly  and  independently  in  this 
negotiation,  and  he  had  every  reason  to  congratulate  the  coun 
try  on  the  result.  We  shall  more  justly  appreciate  his  senti 
ments  if  we  refer  to  his  letter  of  instructions,  in  which  the 
manner  of  negotiation  is  advised,  in  a  despatch  from 

Mr.  Buchanan  to  Mr.  Donelson. 

"  The  president  entirely  concurs  in  opinion  with  you,  that 
the  United  States  should  avoid  even  the  least  appearance  of 
interference  with  the  free  action  of  the  people  of  Texas  on  the 
question  of  annexation.  This  is  necessary  to  give  its  full 
effect  to  one  of  the  grandest  moral  spectacles  which  has  ever 
been  presented  to  mankind,  and  to  convince  the  world  that  we 
would  not,  if  we  could,  influence  their  decision  except  by  fair 
argument.  We  desire  that  our  conduct  shall  be  in  perfect 
contrast  to  that  pursued  by  the  British  charge  d'affaires  to  Texas 
in  reference  to  the  question." 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE.  73 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE.  PROMPT  ACTION  NECESSARY.  RESULT. 

Great  efforts  were  made  by  the  representatives  of  France 
and  England  to  prevent  annexation,  and  even  Mexico  herself 
was  induced  to  assent  to  propositions  of  peace,  provided  Texas 
would  remain  independent.* 

Preliminary  propositions  were  formally  made  and  sent  from 
Mexico,  in  May,  by  Baron  Alleye  De  Cyprey,  and  Charles 
Bankhead,  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plenipotentiary 
of  his  majesty  the  king  of  the  French,  and  minister  plenipo 
tentiary  of  her  Britannic  majesty,  sanctioned  by  the  Mexican 
government.  They  were  presented  by  Mr.  Elliott,  her  Britan 
nic  majesty's  charge  d'affaires  in  Texas.  These  were  duly 
submitted  by  President  Jones  to  the  Congress  of  Texas,  with 
all  due  respect  to  the  motives  of  those  who  framed  them.  The 
proposed  treaty  was  unanimously  rejected  by  the  Congress  of 
Texas  on  the  same  day  that  the  resolutions  of  annexation  were 
unanimously  accepted. 

These  efforts  will  enable  us  to  understand  an  anxiety  mani 
fested  on  the  part  of  our  government  to  have  the  business 
promptly  closed.  It  must  be  gratifying  to  all  lovers  of  their 
country  that  the  promptitude  of  our  government  was  not  marked 
by  any  departure  from  the  fundamental  principles  of  sound 
diplomacy,  justice,  and  humanity.  It  is  well  remarked,  and, 
doubtless,  with  a  just  sense  of  pride,  by  the  president  in  his 
message  of  December,  1845,  that, 

"  In  contemplating  the  grandeur  of  this  event,  it  is  not  to  be 
forgotten  that  the  result  was  achieved  in  despite  of  the  diplo 
matic  interference  of  European  monarchies.  Even  France, 
the  country  which  had  been  our  ancient  ally ;  the  country 
which  has  a  common  interest  with  us  in  maintaining  the  free 
dom  of  the  seas ;  the  country  which,  by  the  cession  of  Louisiana, 
first  opened  to  us  access  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico ;  the  country 
with  which  we  have  been  every  year  drawing  more  and  more 

*  See  Appendix  J. 


74  POSITION    OF   THE    TWO    GOVERNMENTS. 

closely  the  bonds  of  successful  commerce,  most  unexpectedly, 
and  to  our  unfeigned  regret,  took  part  in  an  effort  to  prevent 
annexation,  and  to  impose  on  Texas,  as  a  condition  of  the 
recognition  of  her  independence  by  Mexico,  that  she  would 
never  join  herself  to  the  United  States.  We  may  rejoice  that 
the  tranquil  and  pervading  influence  of  the  American  principle 
of  self-government  was  sufficient  to  defeat  the  purposes  of 
British  and  French  interference,  and  that  the  almost  unanimous 
voice  of  the  people  of  Texas  has  given  to  that  interference  a 
peaceful  and  effective  rebuke.  From  this  example,  European 
governments  may  learn  how  vain  diplomatic  arts  and  intrigues 
must  ever  prove,  upon  this  continent,  against  that  system  of 
self-government  which  seems  natural  to  our  soil,  and  which 
will  ever  resist  foreign  interference." 

POSITIONS    OF    THE    GOVERNMENTS  OF    THE    UNITED  STATES  AND 
MEXICO    AFTER   ANNEXATION. 

The  resolution  authorizing  the  annexation  of  Texas  was 
passed  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  on  the  28th  of 
February,  1845,  and  was  approved  by  the  president  on  the  1st 
of  March.* 

On  the  6th  day  of  March  following,  the  Mexican  minister  at 
Washington,  General  Almonte,  in  the  name  of  his  government, 
addressed  to  the  state  department  "  a  PROTEST,  in  the  most 
solemn  manner,  against  the  law  whereby  the  province  of  Texas, 
an  integrant  portion  of  the  Mexican  territory,  is  agreed  and 
admitted  into  the  American  Union  ;  that  the  said  law  can  in  no 
wise  invalidate  the  rights  on  which  Mexico  relies  to  recover  the 
above-mentioned  province  of  Texas,  of  which  she  now  sees 
herself  unjustly  despoiled  ;  and  that  she  will  maintain  and 
uphold  those  rights  at  all  times,  by  every  means  which  may  be 
in  her  power." 

He  "  will  say  in  conclusion,  to  the  honorable  secretary  of  state 
of  the  United  States,  in  order  that  he  may  be  pleased  to  com- 

*  See  Appendix  I. 


POSITION    OF    THE    TWO    GOVERNMENTS.  75 

municate  it  to  the  president  of  these  States,  that  in  consequence 
of  this  law,  against  which  he  has  just  protested,  his  mission 
near  this  government  has  ceased  from  this  day.  Wherefore,  the 
undersigned  prays  the  honorable  secretary  of  state  to  be  pleased 
to  deliver  him  his  passports,  as  he  has  made  arrangements 
to  leave  this  city,  [Washington,]  without  delay,  for  New 
York." 

This  was  the  first,  position  of  Mexico  after  annexation.  It 
was  one  of  complaint  and  protest. 

The  secretary  of  state,  on  the  10th  day  of  March,  1845, 
advised  General  Almonte,  that  he  had  submitted  his  protest 
made  in  the  name  Of  his  government,  to  the  president,  and  he 
was  instructed,  in  answer,  to  say,  "  that  the  admission  of  Texas 
as  one  of  the  States  of  this  Union,  having  received  the  sanction, 
both  of  the  legislative  and  executive  departments  of  the  gov 
ernment,  is  now  irrevocably  decided,  so  far  as  the  United 
States  are  concerned.  Nothing  but  the  refusal  of  Texas  to 
ratify  the  terms  and  conditions  on  which  her  admission 
depends,  can  defeat  this  object.  It  is,  therefore,  too  late,  at 
present,  to  re-open  a  discussion  which  has  already  been  exhaust 
ed,  and  again  to  prove  that  Texas  has  long  since  achieved  her 
independence  of  Mexico, and  now  stands  before  the  world,  both 
de  jure  and  de  facto,  as  a  sovereign  and  independent  State  amid 
the  family  of  nations.  Sustaining  this  character,  and  having 
manifested  a  strong  desire  to  become  one  of  the  members  of 
our  confederacy,  neither  Mexico  nor  any  other  nation  will 
have  just  cause  of  complaint  against  the  United  States  for 
admitting  her  into  this  Union." 

This  was  the  position  of  the  United  States.  It.  was  one  of 
justification  and  defence. 

Having  before  us  the  two  nations  in  their  respective  positions 
of  complaint  and  defence,  we  propose  to  review  their  spirit  of 
conciliation  and  of  hostility,  as  manifested  by  their  acts  prior 
to  the  commencement  of  the  war.  We  will  first  turn  our 
attention  to 


76  THE    DISPOSITIONS    OF    MEXICO. 


THE    DISPOSITIONS    OF    MEXICO,    AS    MANIFESTED    TOWARDS    THE 
UNITED    STATES. 

Although  it  is  not  our  design,  in  this  connection,  to  notice 
events  prior  to  March,  1845,  it  may  be  proper,  perhaps,  to 
advert  to  the  assumed  position  of  Mexico,  in  regard  to  annexa 
tion,  in  1843  and  1844. 

Under  date  of  August  23,  1843,  the  Mexican  minister  of 
foreign  relations,  in  the  name  of  his  government,  addressed  to 
our  minister  in  Mexico,  the  following  language  :  —  * 

"  The  Mexican  government  will  consider  equivalent  to  a 
declaration  of  war  against  the  Mexican  Republic,  the  passage 
of  an  act  for  the  incorporation  of  Texas  with  the  territory  of 
the  United  States,  the  certainty  of  the  fact  being  sufficient  for 
the  proclamation  of  war,  leaving  to  the  civilized  world  to 
determine  with  regard  to  the  justice  of  the  cause  of  the  Mexi 
can  nation  in  a  struggle  which  it  has  been  so  far  from  pro 
voking." 

On  the  12th  of  June,  1844,  just  two  months  after  the  signa 
ture  by  Mr.  Calhoun  of  the  treaty  for  the  annexation  of  Texas, 
Santa  Anna,  then  the  president  of  Mexico,  announced  to  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  u  that  Mexico  was  resolved 
again  to  undertake  vigorously  the  campaign  against  Texas,  for 
which  she  held  in  readiness  a  large  army,"  and  further  ex 
pressed  the  determination  of  Mexico  upon  the  point,  as  fol 
lows  : — 

"  That  in  no  manner  will  she  consent  to  dismember  territo 
ry  ;  rather  will  she  carry  the  war  to  any  extreme  which  may 
be  necessary  to  sustain  her  rights ;  and  that  as  nations  do  not 
die,  the  right  of  reconquering  that  territory  shall  remain  to  our 
children  and  our  grandchildren  ;  that  this  mas  the  opinion  of 
the  government  and  of  the  Mexicans" 

*  See  the  able  speech  of  Hon.  Mr.  Downs,  delivered  in  the  U.  S. 
Senate,  January,  1848,  —  from  which  we  have  copied  some  details  to 
1844. 


THE    DISPOSITIONS    OF   MEXICO.  77 

This  declaration  was  followed  up  by  Santa  Anna,  by  issuing, 
in  the  same  month,  (June,  1844,)  a  requisition  for  thirty  thou 
sand  men,  and  $4,000,000,  to  "  carry  on  the  war  against 
Texas."  Generals  Canalizo  and  Wotl  were  placed  in  com 
mand  of  the  force  raised  upon  this  requisition,  and,  having 
advanced  to  Mier,  on  the  Texan  frontier,  Woll,  at  the  head  of 
his  invading  army,  put  forth  a  general  order,  under  date  of 
June  20,  1844,  menacing  "  every  individual  within  one 
league  of  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  del  Norte  with  the  traitor's 
doom." 

Mr.  Bocanegra,  then  the  Mexican  minister  of  foreign  rela 
tions,  styled  the  act  of  Congress  providing  for  annexation,  in 
his  circular  letter  to  the  various  European  ministers  then 
resident  in  Mexico,  under  date  of  May  31,  1844,  "  a  declara 
tion  of  war  between  the  two  nations." 

In  his  message  of  December,  1845,  the  president  of  the 
United  States  says,  — 

"  On  the  6th  day  of  March  last,  the  Mexican  envoy  extra 
ordinary  and  minister  plenipotentiary  to  the  United  States 
made  a  formal  protest,  &c.  Our  envoy  extraordinary  to  Mex 
ico  was  refused  all  official  intercourse  with  that  government, 
and,  after  remaining  several  months,  by  the  permission  of  his 
own  "government  he  returned  to  the  United  States.  Thus,  by 
the  acts  of  Mexico,  all  diplomatic  intercourse  between  the  two 
countries  was  suspended. 

"  Since  that  time  Mexico  has,  until  recently,  occupied  an 
attitude  of  hostility  towards  the  United  States  —  has  been  mar 
shalling  and  organizing  armies,  issuing  proclamations,  and 
avowing  the  intention  to  make  war  on  the  United  States,  either 
by  an  open  declaration,  or  by  invading  Texas." 

In  a  letter  from  Mr.  Donelson  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  dated  June  2, 
1845,  it  is  stated,  "  It  is  believed  that  Mexico  is  concentrating 
troops  on  the  Rio  Grande." 

Again,  on  the  4th  of  June,  1845,  he  says,  "  I  look  upon  war 
with  Mexico  as  inevitable  —  a  war  dictated  by  the  British  min 
ister  here,  for  the  purpose  of  defeating  annexation." 


78  CHAGRIN    OF    MEXICO, 

Mr.  Donelson  to  Mr.  Allen,  June  11,  1845. 

"  The  minister  of  the  foreign  affairs  of  Mexico,  when  ask 
ing  for  the  authorization  of  the  chambers  to  negotiate  with 
Texas  on  the  basis  of  her  independence,  at  the  same  time 
declared  that  the  army  on  the  Rio  Grande  would  be  reinforced, 
and  the  agency  that  obtained  and  brought  back  to  this  govern 
ment  the  declaration  that  the  door  is  open  for  negotiation  of 
a  definitive  treaty  between  the  two  nations,  brought  also  the 
formal  notification  that  this  door  will  be  closed  again  if  Texas 
consents  in  any  manner  to  the  resolution  passed  by  the  Con 
gress  of  the  United  States  on  the  subject  of  annexation.  Thus 
is  it  made  difficult  for  Texas,  even  had  her  judgment  led  her 
to  reject  the  overture  for  her  admission  into  the  Federal  Union, 
to  accept  the  propositions  of  Mexico,  without  incurring  the 
imputation  of  being  awed  by  an  armed  force,  kept  avowedly 
upon  her  frontier  to  commence  hostilities,  if  her  decision 
should  be  different  from  that  prescribed  for  her." 

Mr.  Donelson  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  June  23,  1845. 
"  Mexico,  however,  has  threatened  a  renewal  of  the  war  for 
THE  WHOLE  OF  TEXAS,  if  she  accepts  the  proposals  for  annex 
ation  to  the  Union." 


CHAGRIN    OF    MEXICO HER    MODE    OF    WARFARE. 

Mr.  Allen  to  Mr.  Donelson^  June  26,  1845. 

"  But  the  very  preference  manifested  by  the  government  and 
people  of  Texas  for  annexation  to  the  great  republican  confed 
eracy,  and  for  a  participation  in  the  benefits  and  efficacy  of 
her  free  institutions,  when  contrasted  with  the  alternative  of 
separate  and  acknowledged  independence,  and  when  the  latter 
alternative  was  commended  to  the  acceptance  of  the  nation  by 
the  partiality  of  mighty  powers,  must  be  mortifying  to  the 
pride  of  Mexico,  and  may  very  probably  induce  her  to  com 
mence  against  this  country  sudden  and  active  hostilities.  For 


THREATS    OF    MEXICO.  79 

the  last  six  or  eight  years  her  warfare  has  consisted  of  irregu 
lar  incursions  across  our  western  frontier,  her  forces  entering 
and  retiring  from  our  territory  at  wide  and  uncertain  intervals 
of  time,  and  occasioning  ruin  and  distress  along  the  immediate 
line  of  their  marches.  A  new  irruption  of  this  kind  may  now 
be  reasonably  expected." 

Mr.  Donelson  to  General  Taylor,  June  28,  1845. 

"  If  any  reliance  is  to  be  placed  upon  the  threats  of  Mexico, 
and  upon  the  advice  which  we  may  presume  will  be  given  by 
the  French  and  British  governments,  an  invasion  of  Texas 
may  be  confidently  anticipated." 

On  the  12th  and  16th  of  July,  the  Mexican  secretary  of  war 
issued  circulars,  requiring  the  officers  of  the  army  to  raise  the 
requisite  number  of  troops  to  wage  war  against  the  United  States. 
We  have  placed  copies  of  these  circulars  in  our  Appendix.* 

On  the  12th  of  August,  1845,  General  Arista  addressed  his 
troops  in  the  following  language  :  — 

"  Comrades  :  The  supreme  executive  has  sent  to  me,  by 
express,  the  news  that  the  United  States,  in  pursuance  of  their 
ambitious  views,  having  taken  possession  of  the  department  of 
Texas,  he  had  demanded  a  declaration  of  war  from  Congress 
against  that  unjust  nation. 

"  The  time  to  fight  is  come.  We  must  prepare  with  the 
ardor  inspired  by  duty  and  patriotism,  when  an  attack  is  made 
upon  the  soil,  the  honor,  and  the  pride  of  the  nation. 

"  Arms  are  the  only  arguments  to  use  AGAINST  BANDITTI 
and  men  without  good  faith.  Let  us  hope  for  that  justice 
which  is  invoked  by  all  society,  and  the  decision  of  the  civil 
ized  world.  Our  lot  will  be  envied  by  the  rest  of  the  army  ; 
we  are  nearest  to  the  theatre  of  war ;  we  are  the  first  to  avenge 
the  outrages  on  our  country,  and  to  ravish  from  the  usurpers 
the  object  of  their  rapines.  Large  bodies  of  troops  are  on 
their  march  ;  they  will  soon  be  here,  to  share  our  dangers  and 
repulse  the  enemy." 

*  See  Appendix  K. 


80  THREATS    OF    MEXICO. 

On  the  27th  of  August,  1845,  General  Paredes  thus 
addressed  the  soldiers  of  the  Mexican  army  :  — 

"  Soldiers  :  A  rapacious  and  grasping  race  have  thrown 
themselves  upon  our  territory,  and  dare  to  natter  themselves 
that  we  will  not  defend  the  patrimony  which  our  forefathers 
conquered  with  their  blood.  They  deceive  themselves  ;  we 
will  fly  to  snatch  from  them  the  spoils,  the  possession  of  which 
they  are  impudently  enjoying  ;  and  they  shall  learn,  by  dearly- 
bought  experience,  that  they  are  not  contending  with  the  undis 
ciplined  tribes  of  Indians  whom  they  robbed  of  their  land,  their 
heaven,  and  their  countiy ;  and  that  the  Mexicans  will  ardently 
combat  the  soldiers  of  a  nation  which  has  sanctioned  by  its 
laws  the  most  degrading  slavery." 

In  a  letter  addressed  by  Mr.  Donelson  to  Mr.  Buchanan, 
dated  July  24,  1845,  he  says,  "  The  common  opinion  of  the 
citizens  best  acquainted  with  the  Mexican  population  is,  that 
the  government  will  be  obliged  to  declare  war,  in  order  to  have 
the  power  to  compromise  with  after  events." 

General  Taylor   to  Adjutant- General   Jones. 

"  CORPUS  CHRISTI,  Aug.  15,  1845. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  report  that,  by  New  Orleans  papers 
of  the  7th  instant,  I  have  received  intelligence  of  the  prepar 
atory  steps  taken  by  Mexico  towards  a  declaration  of  war 
against  the  United  States. 

"  I  am  enabled  to  say,  upon  information  which  is  regarded 
as  authentic,  that  General  Arista  was  to  leave  Monterey  on  the 
4th  of  this  month  for  Matamoras,  with  1500  men,  —  500  being 
cavalry.  I  learn  by  the  same  source,  that  there  are  500  regu 
lar  troops  at  Matamoras." 

Adjutant- General  Jones  to  General   Taylor,  Aug.  26,   1845. 

u  Official  information,  at  short  intervals,  is  now  the  more 
necessary,  as  the  country  is  filled  with  rumors  of  the  move 
ment  of  Mexican  troops  in  direction  of  your  head-quarters,  as 
also  of  matters  in  relation  to  our  own  service." 


V 


Of   TJiE 


y 

COMMUNICATION    ACROSS    THE    FRONTIER    PROHIBITED.       81 

COMMUNICATION    ACROSS     THE    FRONTIER   PROHIBITED    UNDER 
PENALTY    OF    DEATH. 

General   Taylor  to  Adjutant- General  Jones. 

"CORPUS  CHRISTI,  Sept.  6,  1845. 

"  A  decree  has  been  issued,  prohibiting,  under  the  penalty 
of  death,  any  communication,  by  writing,  across  the  frontier  — 
a  precaution  which  has  been  adopted  on  former  occasions,  and 
caused,  no  doubt,  by  our  presence  here." 

We  think  that  no  one  will  be  disposed  to  doubt  the  fact,  that 
Mexico  was  uniform  in  her  spirit  and  acts  of  hostility  towards 
the  United  States,  if  in  nothing  else.  To  use  the  language  of 
Mr.  Madison,  she  was  in  "  a  state  of  war  against  the  United 
States."  It  is  the  notoriety  of  these  hostile  manifestations 
which  we  would  have  the  reader  notice,  as  an  important 
element  of  the  subject. 

During  every  period  of  the  discussion  upon  the  subject  of 
annexation,  from  the  first  to  the  last,  these  manifestations  of 
hostility  on  the  part  of  Mexico  have  been  known  to  Congress, 
and  to  all  the  political  parties  of  the  country. 

By  those  who  claimed  that  nothing  could  be  generous  that 
was  not  just,  they  were  lamented  ;  and  by  others,  who  claimed 
that  party  was  above  principle,  we  have  too  much  evidence  to 
believe  that  they  were  encouraged.  Still,  the  vote  for  annexa 
tion  in  Congress  was  a  very  decided  one. 

It  has  been  assumed  by  some  that  we  had  but  little  evidence 
that  Mexico  intended  hostilities.  If  hostilities  were  not  in 
tended,  how  could  Pena  y  Pena  say  to  Mr.  Black,  as  he  did, 
October  31,  1845,  "  The  government  of  Mexico  has  given  its 
orders,  for  the  purpose  of  suspending,  for  the  present,  any  act 
of  hostility  against  the  United  States,  and  limits  itself  to  the 
defensive,  awaiting  the  issue  of  the  negotiation  proposed  by 
the  government  of  the  United  States,  through  the  consul  ?  " 
How  could  acts  of  hostility  be  suspended,  if  they  had  not  been 
ordered  ?  and  of  course  the  inference  is  plain,  to  be  renewed 
if  negotiation  failed. 


82       COMMUNICATION    ACROSS    THE    FRONTIER    PROHIBITED. 

It  may  be  true,  perhaps,  that  Mexico  intended  no  action  but 
a  display  of  threats  without  the  slightest  design  of  redeeming 
them.  If  she  found  us  unmoved  by  these,  her  counsels  of 
prudence  were  sufficient  to  produce  other  and  equally  safe 
expedients.  But  the  decree  alluded  to  by  General  Taylor  was 
evidence  enough  that  she  intended  war,  and  nothing  but  war. 
It  was  not,  however,  the  open  war  of  civilized  nations  that  they 
looked  for  and  desired,  but  for  opportunities  of  sudden  incur 
sions  and  massacres !  They  would  have  ventured  attacks 
upon  unarmed  citizens,  asleep,  in  the  night  time,  and  possibly 
upon  detachments  of  troops,  if  their  numbers  were  so  small  as 
to  give  them  no  apprehension  of  danger.  Not  to  enjoy  such 
privileges  of  bloodshed  was  a  sore  disappointment  to  them. 
They  did  not  expect  to  be  met  on  the  line,  where  they  could 
have  no  chance  to  execute  their  acts  of  revenge  upon  the  peo 
ple  of  Texas  without  a  check,  or  a  shot  that  might  injure  them. 
They,  indeed,  claimed  it  as  a  right,  that  our  army  should 
remove  beyond  the  Nueces,  until  the  two  governments  had 
settled  the  boundary  question.  They  had  a  sudden,  and  for 
them,  a  novel  disposition,  to  protect  their  own  soil,  and  their 
own  people.  But  it  was  thought  by  our  government  that  no 
evil  could  arise  by  giving  protection  to  ALL  the  territory  that 
Texas  claimed,  knowing  full  well  that  the  tender  mercies  of 
Mexico  could  in  no  human  probability  exceed  those  which 
would  be  extended  by  our  army,  and  without  any  expense  to 
them.  It  was  a  matter  of  duty,  however,  paramount  to  every 
other  consideration  with  our  government,  if  persuaded  that 
any  protection  was  required,  to  give  it  with  an  amplitude  that 
should  insure  entire  and  unquestioned  safety  to  Texas,  and 
preserve  unsullied  the  integrity  of  the  United  States. 

Let  us  now  look  on  the  other  side.     Let  us  see  what  was 

THE     PREVAILING     SPIRIT     OF     THE     UNITED     STATES    TOWARDS 
MEXICO, 

during  this  period  of  threatened  hostilities  on  the  part  of  that 
republic.     We  would  not  intentionally  bias  the  reader  in  favor 


ORDER  FOR  DEFENCE,  NOT  INVASION.          83 

of  his  own  country,  if  she  were  in  the  wrong ;  nor  would  we 
endeavor  to  create  prejudices  in  his  mind  against  a  sister 
republic,  if  she  were  in  the  right.  Our  purpose  is,  simply,  to 
ask  a  candid  attention  to  facts.  Let  the  documents  speak  for 
themselves.  Our  limits  allow  us  no  alternative  but  to  make 
extracts,  and  almost  always  at  the  expense  of  much  evidence 
confirmatory  of  our  views,  which  we  are  compelled  to  omit. 


PLEDGE    OF    AMITY    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES    GOVERNMENT. 
Mr.  Buchanan  to  General  Almonte,  March  10,  1845. 

"  The  president  sincerely  regrets  that  the  government  of 
Mexico  should  have  taken  offence  at  these  proceedings,  [act 
of  Congress  annexing  Texas  ;]  and  he  earnestly  trusts  that  it 
may  hereafter  be  disposed  to  view  them  in  a  more  favorable 
and  friendly  light.  Whilst  entering  upon  the  duties  of  the 
presidential  office,  he  cheerfully  declares,  IN  ADVANCE,  that  his 
most  strenuous  efforts  shall  be  devoted  to  the  amicable  adjust 
ment  of  every  cause  of  complaint  between  the  two  govern 
ments,  and  to  the  cultivation  of  the  kindest  and  most  friendly 
relations  between  the  sister  Republics." 

ACTS    OF    HOSTILITY    FORBIDDEN    BY   THE    UNITED    STATES. 
Mr.  Buchanan  to  Mr.  Donelson,  June  3,  1845. 

"  This  government  will  studiously  refrain  from  all  acts  of 
hostility  towards  that  Republic,  (Mexico,)  unless  these  should 
become  absolutely  necessary  in  self-defence.  Orders  have 
been  transmitted  to  Captain  Stockton  in  accordance  with  this 
declaration." 

ORDER   FOR   DEFENCE,    NOT    INVASION. 
Secretary  of  War  to  General  Taylor,  June  15,  1845. 

"  You  will  limit  yourself  to  the  territory  of  Texas,  unless 
Mexico  should  declare  war  against  the  United  States." 


84  ORDER    TO   AVOID    AGGRESSION. 


ORDER    TO    SPARE    ANY    MILITARY    ESTABLISHMENTS    EAST    SIDE 
OF    THE    RIO   GRANDE. 

Secretary  of  War  to  General  Taylor,  July  8,  1845. 

"  This  department  is  informed  that  Mexico  has  some  military 
establishments  on  the  east  side  of  the  Rio  Grande,  which  are, 
and  for  some  time  have  been,  in  the  actual  occupancy  of  her 
troops.  In  carrying  out  the  instructions  heretofore  received, 
you  will  be  careful  to  avoid  any  acts  of  aggression,  unless  an 
actual  state  of  war  should  exist." 

This  order  has  been  frequently  quoted  to  prove  that  our 
government  was  wrong  in  claiming  to  the  Rio  Grande,  because 
a  few  Mexicans  had  been  specially  permitted  by  our  govern 
ment  to  remain  between  that  river  and  the  Nueces.  This  is 
certainly  novel  logic.  We  should  suppose  that  the  meaning 
was  quite  the  contrary.  If  our  government  deemed  it  expe 
dient  to  make  such  an  exception,  the  fact  of  making  it  is  evi 
dence  to  prove  that  it  considered  its  title  to  the  territory  un 
doubted  ;  otherwise  the  act  would  have  been  one  of  inconsistent 
assumption.  It  was  an  act  of  deliberate  indulgence.  If  the 
right  of  exception  implies  any  thing,  it  implies  the  right  of 
possession. 


ORDER   TO    AVOID    AGGRESSION,    BUT    TO    PROTECT    TEXAS. 
Secretary  of  War  to  General  Taylor,  July  30,  1845. 

"  While  avoiding,  as  you  have  been  instructed  to  do,  all 
aggressive  measures  towards  Mexico,  as  long  as  the  relations 
of  peace  exist  between  that  republic  and  the  United  States, 
you  are  expected  to  occupy,  protect,  and  defend  the  territory 
of  Texas  to  the  extent  that  it  has  been  occupied  by  the  people 
of  Texas." 

This  was  made  subject  to  the  exception  given  in  the  letter 
of  July  8. 


U.  S.  GOVERNMENT    PROPOSES    TO    NEGOTIATE.  85 


ASSURANCE    OF    GENERAL    TAYLOR   THAT    FRIENDLY    RELATIONS 
WOULD    NOT    BE    INTERRUPTED. 

General  Taylor  to  Adjutant- General  Jones,  July  20,  1845. 

"  The  department  may  rest  assured  that  I  will  take  no  step 
to  interrupt  the  friendly  relations  between  the  United  States 
and  Mexico." 


GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  UNITED    STATES    PROPOSES    TO    NEGOTIATE. 
APPOINTMENT    OF    MR.  SLIDELL    MINISTER    TO    MEXICO. 

The  desire  for  peace  was  universal  and  sincere  with  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  and  it  pervaded  all  the  acts  of  our 
government.  The  olive  branch  was  made  a  part  of  the  national 
banner,  and  peaceful  negotiation  was  invited  at  every  step  and 
movement  of  our  army  by  our  government.  From  evidence 
that  was  deemed  authentic,  it  was  generally  believed,  in  this 
country,  that  the  people  of  Mexico  were  averse  to  war  with  the 
United  States,  and  that  they  would  be  glad  to  have  an  opportu 
nity  to  sustain  their  government  in  any  measures  that  would 
secure  a  permanent  peace.  Constantly  alive  to  the  best  good 
of  that  Republic,  and  a  consistent  friend  to  peace,  the  president 
of  the  United  States  thought  that  an  act  of  condescension  on 
the  part  of  the  more  powerful  government  might  have  a  salu 
tary  effect  in  conciliating  Mexico,  and  in  preparing  her  to 
listen  to  those  dictates  of  prudence  which  one  would  suppose 
she  would  be  at  no  loss  to  find  in  her  own  distracted  condition. 
In  his  message  of  December,  1845,  the  president  says,  — 
"  After  our  army  and  navy  had  remained  on  the  frontier 
and  coasts  of  Mexico  for  many  weeks,  without  any  hostile 
movement  on  her  part,  though  her  menaces  were  continued,  I 
deemed  it  important  to  put  an  end,  if  possible,  to  this  state  of 
things.  With  this  view,  I  caused  steps  to  be  taken,  in  the 
month  of  September  last,  to  ascertain  distinctly,  and  in  authentic 
form,  what  the  designs  of  the  Mexican  government  were  ; 
8 


86  U.  S.  GOVERNMENT    PROPOSES    TO    NEGOTIATE. 

whether  it  was  their  intention  to  declare  war,  or  to  invade 
Texas,  or  whether  they  were  disposed  to  adjust  and  settle,  in 
an  amicable  manner,  the  pending  difficulties  between  the  two 
countries.  On  the  9th  of  November,  an  official  answer  was 
received,  that  the  Mexican  government  consented  to  renew  the 
diplomatic  relations  which  had  been  suspended  in  March  last, 
and  for  that  purpose  were  willing  to  accredit  a  minister  from 
the  United  States*  With  a  sincere  desire  to  preserve  peace, 
and  restore  relations  of  a  good  understanding  between  the  two 
Republics,  I  waived  all  ceremony  as  to  the  manner  of  renewing 
diplomatic  intercourse  between  them  ;  and,  assuming  the  initi 
ative,  on  the  10th  of  November,  a  distinguished  citizen  of 
Louisiana  *  was  appointed  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister 
plenipotentiary  to  Mexico,  clothed  with  full  powers  to  adjust 
and  definitely  settle  all  pending  differences  between  the  two 
countries,  including  those  of  boundary  between  Mexico  and 
the  State  of  Texas."  *  *  *  "He  has  been  instructed  to 
bring  the  negotiation  with  which  he  is  charged  to  a  conclusion 
at  the  earliest  practicable  period  ;  which,  it  is  expected,  will 
be  in  time  to  enable  me  to  communicate  the  result  to  Congress 
during  the  present  session.  Until  that  result  is  known,  I  for 
bear  to  recommend  to  Congress  such  ulterior  measures  of  re 
dress  for  the  wrongs  and  injuries  we  have  so  long  borne,  as  it 
would  have  been  proper  to  make  had  no  such  negotiation  been 
instituted." 

This  was  magnanimity  —  such  as  could  only  come  from  a 
nation  conscious  of  its  accountability,  greatness,  and  power. 
A  feeble  nation  would  lose  its  rank,  and  be  stigmatized  as 
wanting  in  courage  and  self-respect,  that  should  assume  the 
initiative  in  renewing  diplomatic  relations  that  had  been  sus 
pended  by  the  acts  of  another  power.  It  was  an  act  worthy 
of  this  Republic,  and,  if  any  evidence  were  wanting  fully  to 
confirm  the  sincerity  of  the  government  declarations  manifest 
ing  a  strong  desire  for  peace,  this  must  be  deemed  conclusive 

*  Hon.  John  Slidell. 


PROPOSAL    TO    RESTORE    FRIENDLY    RELATIONS.  87 

by  all  who  do  not  wish  to  deceive  themselves  by  forced  con 
victions  that  cannot  bear  the  test  of  truth.  But  this  appoint 
ment,  and  the  results  of  it,  will  be  best  understood  by  a  perusal 
of  the  government  documents. 


PROPOSAL    OF    THE    U.  S.    GOVERNMENT  TO    MEXICO    TO   RESTORE 
FRIENDLY    RELATIONS. 

Mr.  Buchanan  to  Mr.   Black,    U.   S.    Consul  at  Mexico,    September  17, 

1845. 

"  Information  recently  received  at  this  department,  both 
from  yourself  ana1  others,  renders  it  probable  that  the  Mexican 
government  may  now  be  willing  to  restore  the  diplomatic  rela 
tions  between  the  two  countries.  At  the  time  of  their  suspen 
sion,  General  Almonte  was  assured  of  the  desire  felt  by  the 
president  to  adjust  amicably  every  cause  of  complaint  between 
the  governments,  and  to  cultivate  the  kindest  and  most  friendly 
relations  between  the  sister  Republics.  It  was  his  duty  to  place 
the  country  in  a  condition  successfully  to  resist  the  threatened 
invasion  of  Texas  by  Mexico,  and  this  has  been  accomplished. 
He  desires,  however,  that  ALL  existing  differences  should  be 
terminated  amicably  by  negotiation,  and  not  by  the  sword.  He 
is  anxious  to  preserve  peace,  although  prepared  for  war. 

"  Actuated  by  these  sentiments,  the  President  has  directed 
me  to  instruct  you  —  in  the  absence  of  any  diplomatic  agent 
in  Mexico  —  to  ascertain  from  the  Mexican  government, 
whether  they  would  receive  an  envoy  from  the  United  States, 
intrusted  with  full  powerto  adjust  all  the  questions  in  dispute 
between  the  two  governments.  Should  the  answer  be  in  the 
affirmative,  such  an  envoy  will  be  immediately  despatched  to 
Mexico. 

"  If  the  president  were  disposed  to  stand  upon  a  mere  ques 
tion  of  etiquette,  he  would  wait  until  the  Mexican  government, 
which  has  suspended  the  diplomatic  relations  between  the  two 
countries,  should  ask  that  they  may  be  restored.  But  his  desire 
is  so  strong  to  terminate  the  present  unfortunate  state  of  our 


88  HOW    THE    PROPOSITION    WAS     RECEIVED. 

relations  with  that  Republic,  that  he  has  consented  to  waive  all 
ceremony,  and  take  the  initiative. 

"  So  soon  as  you  have  received  the  answer  of  that  govern 
ment,  you  will  communicate  a  copy  of  it,  without  delay,  by 
some  safe  opportunity,  to  F.  M.  Dimond,  Esq.,  our  consul  at 
Vera  Cruz.  You  will  also  transmit  a  copy  to  this  department. 
It  is  of  great  consequence  that  you  should  use  as  much 
despatch  as  possible  in  executing  this  important  commission. 

"  The  future  course  of  this  government  may,  and  probably 
will,  depend  upon  the  answer  which  you  may  receive.  *  *  * 

"  There  will  be  a  vessel  of  war  at  Vera  Cruz  ready  to 
receive  your  despatch,  and  to  convey  it  to  the  United  States 
with  the  least  possible  delay." 

HOW     THE     PROPOSITION     WAS     RECEIVED APPREHENSION     OF 

THE     MEXICAN     GOVERNMENT. 

Mr.  Black  received  the  letter  of  the  secretary  of  state  on 
the  10th  of  October,  and  on  the  llth,  had  a  confidential 
interview  with  the  minister  of  foreign  relations  in  Mexico. 
He  manifested  an  earnest  desire  that  negotiations  might  take 
place,  but  there  was  an  evident  solicitude  in  regard  to  the 
effect  that  such  a  negotiation  would  produce  upon  the  people. 
He  was  fearful  that  it  might  prove  fatal  to  their  then  existing 
government.  He  requested  of  our  consul  a  communication 
in  writing,  expressing  the  wishes  of  the  United  States  govern 
ment,  and  promised  an  explicit  answer.  All  interviews  and 
communications  were  to  be  confidential,  and  yet  no  regard 
whatever  was  paid  to  the  most  solemn  injunctions  of  secrecy. 

Mr.  Black,  in  his  letter  to  Pena  y  Pefia,  October  13,  1845, 
very  judiciously  gave  the  precise  words  of  Mr.  Buchanan  embra 
cing  the  proposition,  which  we  have  quoted,  and  adds  with 
evident  pleasure  his  own  convictions  upon  the  subject.  He 
says,  "  The  undersigned  can  assure  his  excellency,  that  it  is 
with  the  most  heartfelt  satisfaction  he  sees,  in  the  preceding 
proposition  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  (notwithstanding 


MEXICO    ASSENTS    TO    THE    PROPOSITION.  89 

the  preparations  for  war  on  both  sides,)  that  a  door  is  still 
left  open  for  conciliation,  whereby  all  existing  differences  may 
be  amicably  and  equitably  adjusted,  and  the  honor  of  both 
nations  preserved  inviolate." 

MEXICO    ASSENTS    TO    THE  PROPOSITION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  • 

On  the  15th  of  October,  Mr.  Pena  y  Pena  sent  Mr.  Black  his 
answer,  from  which  the  following  extracts  are  made  :  — 

"•  I  have  informed  my  government  of  the  private  conference 
which  took  place  between  you  and  myself  on  the  llth  instant, 
and  have  submitted  to  it  the  confidential  letter  which  you, 
in  consequence  of,  and  agreeably  to,  what  was  then  said, 
addressed  to  me  yesterday.  In  answer,  I  have  to  say  to  you, 
that  although  the  Mexican  nation  is  deeply  injured  by  the 
United  States,  through  the  acts  committed  by  them  in  the 
department  of  Texas,  which  belongs  to  this  nation,  my  gov 
ernment  is  disposed  to  receive  the  commissioner  of  the  United 
States,  who  may  come  to  this  capital  with  full  powers  from 
his  government  to  settle  the  present  dispute  in  a  peaceful,  rea 
sonable,  and  honorable  manner  ;  thus  giving  a  new  proof,  that 
even  in  the  midst  of  its  injuries,  and  of  its  firm  decision  to 
exact  adequate  reparation  for  them,  it  does  not  repel  with  con 
tumely  the  measure  of  reason  and  peace  to  which  it  is  invited 
by  its  adversary.  *  *  * 

44  What  my  government  requires  above  all  things  is,  that 
the  mission  of  the  commissioner  of  the  United  States,  and  his 
reception  by  us,  should  appear  to  be  always  absolutely  frank, 
and  free  from  every  sign  of  menace  or  coercion.  And  thus, 
Mr.  Consul,  while  making  knoAvn  to  your  government  the  dis 
position  on  the  part  of  that  of  Mexico  to  receive  the  commis 
sioner,  you  should  impress  upon  it,  as  indispensable,  the  previ 
ous  recall  of  the  whole  naval  force  now  lying  in  sight  of  our 
port  of  Vera  Cruz.  Its  presence  would  degrade  Mexico,  while 
she  is  receiving  the  commissioner,  and  would  justly  subject  the 
United  States  to  the  imputation  of  contradicting,  by  acts,  the 
8* 


90          WITHDRAWAL  OF  THE  NAVAL  FORCE. 

vehement  desire  of  conciliation,  peace,  and  friendship,  which 
is  professed  and  asserted  by  words." 

In  a  letter  from  Mr.  Black  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  dated  October 
28,  1845,  he  says,  "  The  Mexican  government  is  very  anxious 
to  know  when  they  may  expect  the  envoy  from  the  United 
States  ;  arid  also,  that  I  may  soon  be  able  to  give  it  the 
information  of  the  American  squadron  having  retired'  from 
the  port  of  Vera  Cruz. 

"  We  have  rumors  every  day  that  a  revolution  is  shortly  to 
take  place,  but,  as  yet,  things  are  quiet.  Let  this  go  as  it  will, 
I  think  that  an  arrangement  is  safe,  as  it  has  the  sanction  of 
the  Mexican  Congress  in  secret  session." 


WITHDRAWAL    OF    THE    NAVAL    FORCE    OF    THE     UNITED    STATES. 
Mr.  Black  to  Mr.  Peiia  y  Pena,  October  29,  1845. 

44  The  undersigned  has  the  honor  to  transmit  herewith  a  copy 
of  a  communication  addressed  to  Commodore  Conner,  com 
mander  of  the  American  squadron  before  Vera  Cruz,  to  the 
American  consul,  F.  M.  Dimond,  Esq.,  of  that  place,  by  which 
his  excellency  will  see  that  the  wishes  of  the  Mexican  govern 
ment  have  been,  in  this  respect,  fully  and  promptly  complied 
with." 

Commodore  Conner  to  Mr.  Dimond. 

IT.  S.  SHIP  FALMOUTH,  > 

OFF  SACRIFICIOS,  October  23,  1845.  > 

44  By  the  letter  of  Mr.  Black,  which  you  were  kind  enough 
to  send  me  this  morning,  I  learn  that  the  proposition  to  enter 
into  negotiation,  made  by  our  government  to  that  of  this 
country,  had  been  accepted.  There  appears  to  exist,  on  the 
part  of  this  government,  some  fear  lest  they  should  be  accused 
of  being  forced  into  this  measure  by  the  hostile  attitude  of  the 
United  States. 

44  Being  fulty  aware  that  our  government  has  had  no  inten 
tion  of  threatening  this  country,  but,  on  the  contrary,  has 


RECEPTION    OF    MR.    SLIDELL    IN    MEXICO.  91 

always  been  actuated  by  a  sincere  desire  to  heal  existing  differ 
ences  in  a  manner  honorable  to  both  nations,  I  believe  I  shall 
best  contribute  to  such  an  arrangement  by  withdrawing  our 
naval  force  from  before  Vera -Cruz." 

SINGULAR   AND   UNEXPECTED    RECEPTION    OF    MR.    SLIDELL, 

IN    MEXICO. 
Mr.  Black  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  December  18,   1845. 

"  On  Wednesday,  the  3d  instant,  I  received  a  letter  from  our 
consul  at  Vera  Cruz,  dated  the  29th  of  November,  informing 
me  that  a  vessel  had  just  arrived  at  Sacrificios,  on  board  of 
which  was  the  Hon.  John  Slidell,  who  had  sent  for  him,  the 
said  consul,  to  come  down  to  that  place,  as  he  wished  to  leave 
Vera  Cruz  for  the  capital  by  that  night's  diligence  ;  but  he,  the 
consul,  was  of  opinion  that  he  would  not  be  able  to  leave 
until  the  next  stage. 

"  I  went  up  to  the  president's  quarters,  when  the  minister 
came  out  in  the  ante-chamber  and  met  me,  and  accosted  me, 
saying  that  the  government  was  informed  that  there  was  an 
arrival  at  Vera  Cruz  from  the  United  States,  bringing  out  a 
commissioner,  by  which  the  government  was  taken  by  sur 
prise,  and  asked  me  who  could  this  commissioner  be,  and  ivhat 
had  he  come  for  ?  I  told  him  I  did  not  know,  but  I  presumed 
it  was  the  envoy  which  the  Mexican  government  had  agreed  to 
receive  from  the  government  of  the  United  States ;  all  the 
information  which  I  had  upon  the  subject  was,  that  the  consul 
of  the  United  States  at  Vera  Cruz  had  advised  me,  in  a  letter 
under  date  of  the  29th  of  November,  that  the  Hon.  John 
Slidell  had  just  arrived  at  Sacrificios,  and  wished  to  leave  Vera 
Cruz  for  this  capital  by  the  first  diligence,  and  that  I  was  under 
the  impression  that  this  person  was  an  envoy  from  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  to  that  of  Mexico,  as  we  had  good 
reason  to  expect  one  about  this  time.  He  said  that  ought  not 
to  be ;  the  government  did  not  expect  an  envoy  from  the  United 
States  until  January,  as  they  were  not  prepared  to  receive  him  ; 
and  he  desired,  if  possible,  that  he  would  not  come  to  the  capital, 


92          EMBARRASSING    POSITION    OF    THE    U.    S.    MINISTER. 

nor  even  disembark  at  this  time,  and  that  I  should  endeavor  to 
prevent  his  doing  so,  as  his  appearance  in  the  capital  at  this  time 
might  prove  destructive  to  the  government,  and  thus  defeat  the 
whole  affair.  You  know  the  opposition  are  calling  us  traitors, 
for  entering  into  this  arrangement  with  you.  I  told  him  that  I 
regretted  this  had  not  been  known  in  time,  as  the  envoy  would 
be  now  on  his  way  to  this  capital,  and  that  the  Mexican  gov 
ernment  had  set  no  time  for  his  arrival,  and  it  was  presumed 
that  they  would  be  ready  to  receive  him  whenever  he  arrived. 
4 1  know,'  he  said, '  there  was  no  time  set ;  but  from  the  conversa 
tions  which  I  have  had  with  yourself,  and,  from  what  I  have 
heard  from  others,  I  had  good  reason  to  believe  that  the  envoy 
would  not  have  been  appointed  by  your  government,  or,  at 
least,  not  have  started  on  his  mission,  until  after  the  meeting 
of  Congress.'  *  *  * 

"  He  said  that  the  government  itself  was  well  disposed,  and 
ready  to  proceed  in  the  negotiation,  but  that  if  the  affair  was 
commenced  now,  it  would  endanger  its  existence ;  that  the 
government  were  preparing  the  thing,  collecting  the  opinion 
and  consent  of  the  departments,  which  they  expected  to  have 
finished  by  January,  and  then  they  would  be  able  to  proceed  in 
the  affair  with  more  security ;  that  the  government  were  afraid 
that  the  appearance  of  the  envoy  at  this  time  would  produce  a 
revolution  against  it,  which  might  terminate  in  its  destruc 
tion." 

EMBARRASSING-   POSITION    OF    THE    U.    S.    MINISTER. 

MEXICAN    DIPLOMACY. 

Mr.  Slidell  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  Mexico,  December  17,  1845. 
"  I  reached  this  city  on  the  6th  instant.     At  Puebla,  I  was 
met  by  our  consul,  Mr.  Black,  who  in  some  measure  prepared 
me  for  the  delays  and  difficulties  which  I  should  have  to  con 
tend  with.     *     »     * 

"  "  On  Monday,  the  8th  instant,  I  addressed  to  the  minister  of 
foreign  affairs  a  note,  in  the  usual  form,  announcing  my  arrival 
in  the  capital,  accompanying  it  with  a  copy  of  my  letter  of 


EMBARRASSING    POSITION    OF    THE    U.    S.    MINISTER.          93 

credence,*  and  your  official  communication  to  the  minister 
of  foreign  affairs,  and  asking  to  be  informed  when  and  where 
I  should  be  admitted  to  present  my  credentials  to  the  presi 
dent.  *  *  *  It  was  handed  by  Mr.  Black  to  the  minister, 
who  assured  him  that  I  should  have  an  answer  on  the  following 
Wednesday ;  and  requested  him  to  call  and  receive  it.  On 
that  day,  however,  Mr.  Black  received  a  note  from  the  secre 
tary  ot  the  minister,  stating  that  it  was  necessary  to  submit  the 
matter  to  the  council  of  government,  and  that  he  would  be 
advised  when  the  answer  would  be  given. 

"  This  government  is  a  permanent  body,  of  a  very  anoma 
lous  character,  composed  of  persons  not  removable  by  the 
executive ;  its  functions,  so  far  as  I  can  understand  them,  are, 
with  a  few  exceptions,  —  and  these  not  applying  to  foreign  rela 
tions,  —  merely  advisory,  and  no  obligation  exists  on  the  part  of 
the  executive,  but  in  the  exceptional  cases,  to  consult  the 
council.  The  council  was  not  consulted  when  the  executive 
determined  to  renew  diplomatic  relations  with  the  United 
States,  and  a  recourse  to  it  at  this  moment  was  altogether 
gratuitous.  It  is  a  notorious  fact,  that  several  of  the  members 
of  this  council  are  not  only  in  open  and  violent  opposition  to 
the  present  administration,  but  endeavoring  to  get  up  a  revolu 
tionary  movement  to  overthrow  it,  and  it  is  generally  un 
derstood  that  a  majority  of  them  are  unfavorably  disposed 
towards  it. 

"  This,  at  least,  is  certain  —  the  administration,  in  referring  a 
matter  entirely  within  their  own  competence  to  a  body  whose 
decision  they  cannot  control,  and  upon  whose  sympathies  they 
cannot  rely,  manifest  either  a  weakness  or  a  bad  faith,  which 
renders  the  prospect  of  any  favorable  issue  to  negotiations 
with  them  at  best  very  problematical. 

"  The  deliberations  of  the  council,  although,  ostensibly  con 
fidential,  soon  became  known  out  of  doors.  It  had  been  twice 
or  thrice  convoked  for  the  purpose  of  deliberating  upon  my 

*  See  Appendix  L. 


94  EMBARRASSING    POSITION    OF    THE    U.    S.    MINISTER. 

reception,  and  it  is  perfectly  well  known  that  it  has  advised 
against  it.  The  most  absurd  reasons  have  there  been  ad 
vanced  against  my  recognition ;  so  absurd,  indeed,  that  they 
would  appear  scarcely  credible  to  any  one  not  upon  the 
spot.  *  *  « 

"  The  objections  started  were,  that  my  credentials  did  not 
appear  to  have  been  given  with  the  sanction  of  Congress ;  that 
my  appointment  had  not  been  confirmed  by  the  Senate  ;  that 
this  government  had  agreed  only  to  receive  a  commissioner, 
and  that,  consequently,  the  appointment  of  an  envoy  extraor 
dinary  and  minister  plenipotentiary  was  not  in  accordance  with 
the  letter  of  the  15th  October,  from  the  minister  of  foreign 
affairs  to  Mr.  Black ;  that  this  letter  only  contemplated 
negotiations  of  Texas ;  and  finally,  to  cap  the  climax  of  ab 
surdity,  that  my  powers  were  not  sufficient! 

"  Having  received  no  reply  to  my  note  of  the  8th  instant, 
and  no  assurance  of  the  time  when  I  might  expect  one,  I 
addressed  another,  on  the  15th  instant,  stating  my  desire  to 
communicate  speedily  with  my  government,  and  requesting  to 
know  when  I  might  expect  an  answer.  I  have,  while  writing 
this,  received  a  communication  from  the  minister  of  foreign 
relations,  of  which  I  shall  furnish'  you  a  copy.*  You  will 
observe  that  it  is  dated  yesterday,  although  I  have  no  doubt  it 
was  written  after  the  final  negative  decision  of  the  council, 
which  was  rendered  on  that  day.  You  will  find  it  evasive  and 
unsatisfactory,  intimating  difficulties  respecting  my  credentials, 
and  that  negotiations,  by  the  terms  of  his  letter  to  our  consul, 
were  to  be  confined  to  the  subject  of  Texas. 

"  You  will  observe  that  this  note  is  not  addressed  to  me  in 
my  official  capacity  ;  the  omission  to  do  so  is  certainly  not  an 
accidental  one. 

"  Notwithstanding  the  desire,  which  I  believe  the  present 
administration  really  entertains,  to  adjust  all  their  difficulties 
with  us,  so  feeble  and  inert  is  it,  that  I  am  rather  inclined  to 

*  See  Appendix  M. 


EMBARRASSING    POSITION    OF    THE    U.    S.    MINISTER.  95 

the  opinion  that  the  chances  of  a  successful  negotiation  would 
be  better  with  one  more  hostile,  but  possessing  greater  energy. 
The  country,  torn  by  conflicting  factions,  is  in  a  state  of 
perfect  anarchy,  its  finances  in  a  condition  utterly  des 
perate.  *  *  * 

"  A  refusal  to  treat  with,  or  even  receive  me  at  all,  in  the 
only  capacity  in  which  I  am  authorized  to  act,  under  pretexts 
more  or  less  plausible,  is  a  possible  (I  ought  perhaps  to  say  a 
probable)  event.  This  is  a  contingency  which  could  not  have 
been  anticipated,  and  for  which  your  instructions  have  conse 
quently  not  provided.  It  will  place  me  in  a  novel,  awkward, 
and  almost  embarrassing  position,  and  impose  upon  me  a  grave 
responsibility.  Should  it  occur,  I  shall  endeavor  so  to  conduct 
myself  as  to  throw  the  whole  odium  of  the  failure  of  the 
negotiation  upon  this  government ;  point  out,  in  the  most 
temperate  manner,  the  inevitable  consequences  of  so  unheard- 
of  a  violation  of  all  the  usages  which  govern  the  intercourse 
between  civilized  nations  ;  and  declare  my  intention  to  remain 
here  until  I  can  receive  instructions  adapted  to  the  exigencies 
of  the  case." 

Mr.  Slidell  sent  to  Mr.  Buchanan  the  files  of  the  "  Amigo 
del  Pueblo,"  the  leading  opposition  journal.  "  It  breathes," 
says  he,  "  the  fiercest  hostility  against  the  United  States,  de 
nounces  the  proposed  negotiations  as  treason ;  and  in  the  last 
number,  openly  calls  upon  the  troops  and  the  people  to  put 
down  the  government  by  force."  *  *  * 

"  P.  S.  December  18,  1845.  At  the  moment  I  was  about 
to  close  this,  I  obtained  the  dictamen  of  the  council  of  gov 
ernment,  published  in  the  c  Siglo.'  I  send  you  the  paper." 

It  should  be  remembered  that  this  was  the  letter  received  by 
our  government  on  the  12th  of  January,  1846,  and  which 
gave  rise  to  the  order  to  General  Taylor  on  the  13th  —  the 
following  day. 


96  MEXICO    REFUSES    TO    FULFIL  HER   ENGAGEMENTS. 


MEXICO    REFUSES    TO    FULFIL    ITS    ENGAGEMENTS    OF 
OCTOBER,    15,    1845. 

Mr.  Pena  y  Pena  to  Mr.  Slidell,  December  20,  1845. 
"  The  undersigned  having  submitted  the  whole  to  his  excel 
lency,  the  president  of  the  Republic,  and  having  also  con 
sidered  attentively  the  note  addressed  to  him  by  the  secretary 
of  state  of  the  United  States,  relative  to  the  mission  of  Mr. 
Slidell,  regrets  to  inform  him  that,  although  the  supreme  gov 
ernment  of  the  Republic  is  animated  by  the  pacific  and  con 
ciliatory  intentions  which  the  undersigned  manifested  to  the 
consul  of  the  United  States  in  his  confidential  note  of  the 
14th  of  October  last,  it  does  not  conceive  that,  in  order  to 
fulfil  the  object  proposed  by  the  said  consul,  in  the  name  of 
the  American  government,  and  accepted  by  the  undersigned, 
it  should  admit  his  excellency  Mr.  Slidell  in  the  character  with 
which  he  is  invested,  of  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister 
plenipotentiary  residing  in  the  Republic." 

Mr.  Slidell  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  December  27,   1845. 

"  On  the  21st  instant,  I  received  from  Mr.  Pena  y  Pena  his 
promised  reply,  (from  which  the  above  is  an  extract,)  con 
veying  the  formal  and  unqualified  refusal  of  the  Mexican 
government  to  receive  me  in  the  character  for  which  I  am 
commissioned.  Of  this  most  extraordinary  document  I  send  a 
copy.  To  this  I  replied,  under  the  date  of  the  24th  instant, 
disproving  the  unfounded  assertions  of  Mr.  Pena  y  Pena,  and 
refuting  the  arguments  upon  which  the  refusal  to  receive  me 
was  based." 

As  the  reply  of  Mr.  Slidell  to  Mr.  Pena  y  Pena,  alluded  to 
above,  embraces  a  variety  of  information  of  interest  to  all  who 
desire  to  understand  what  were  the  true  relations  existing  at 
that  time  between  the  two  countries,  we  have  placed  it  in  the 
Appendix.*  We  would  give  a  place  to  the  letter  of  Mr. 

*  See  Appendix  N. 


FOLLY    OF    MEXICO.  97 

Pena  y  Pena,  also,  to  which  this  is  a  reply,  if  we  had  not 
determined  to  insert,  for  several  reasons  which  will  appear,  his 
communication  of  December  11,  1845,  addressed  to  the  coun 
cil.  This  communication  embraces  essentially  and  briefly  his 
views,  which  are  elaborately  given  in  his  letter.* 

FOLLY    OF    MEXICO PRUDENCE   AND   PATIENCE    ADVISED    BY 

THE    UNITED    STATES   GOVERNMENT. 
Mr.  Buchanan  to  Mr.  Slidell,  January  20,  1846. 

"  Should  the  Mexican  government,  by  finally  refusing  to 
receive  you,  consummate  the  act  of  folly  and  bad  faith  of 
which  they  have  afforded  such  strong  indications,  nothing  will 
then  remain  for  this  government  but  to  take  the  redress  of  the 
wrongs  of  its  citizens  into  its  own  hands. 

u  In  the  event  of  such  a  refusal,  the  course  which  you  have 
determined  to  pursue  is  the  proper  one.  You  ought,  in  your 
own  language,  so  to  conduct  yourself,  as  to  throw  the  whole 
odium  of  the  failure  of  the  negotiation  upon  the  Mexican  gov 
ernment  ;  —  point  out,  in  the  most  temperate  manner,  the 
immediate  consequences  of  so  unheard-of  a  violation  of  all 
the  usages  which  govern  the  intercourse  between  civilized 
nations  ;  and  declare  your  intention  to  remain  in  Mexico  until 
you  can  receive  instructions  adapted  to  the  exigencies  of  the 
case.  This  sojourn  will  afford  you  an  honorable  opportunity 
to  watch  the  course  of  events,  and  avail  yourself  of  any  favor 
able  circumstances,  which,  in  the  mean  time,  may  occur. 
Should  a  revolution  have  taken  place  before  the  1st  of  Janu 
ary,  the  day  appointed  for  the  meeting  of  Congress,  (an  event 
which  you  deemed  probable,)  or  should  a  change  of  ministry 
have  been  effected,  which  you  considered  almost  certain,  this 
delay  will  enable  you  to  ascertain  the  views  and  wishes  of  the 
new  government  or  administration.  The  desire  of  the  presi 
dent  is,  that  you  should  conduct  yourself  with  such  wisdom 
and  firmness  in  the  crisis,  that  the  voice  of  the  American  peo- 

*  See  Appendix  0. 


98      HONORABLE   EFFORT  ADVISED   BY    U.    S.    GOVERNMENT. 

pie  shall  be  unanimous  in  favor  of  redressing  the  wrongs  of 
our  much  injured  and  long  suffering  claimants. 

u  It  would  seem  to  be  the  desire  of  the  Mexican  govern 
ment  to  evade  the  redress  of  the  real  injuries  of  our  citizens, 
by  confining  the  negotiation  to  the  adjustment  of  a  pecuniary 
indemnity  for  its  imaginary  rights  over  Texas.  This  cannot 
be  tolerated.  The  two  subjects  must  proceed  hand  in  hand  ; 
they  can  never  be  separated.  It  is  evidently  with  the  view 
of  thus  limiting  the  negotiation  that  the  Mexican  authorities 
have  been  quibbling  about  the  mere  form  of  your  credentials, 
without  ever  asking  whether  you  had  instructions  and  full  pow 
ers  to  adjust  the  Texan  boundary.  The  advice  of  the  coun 
cil  of  the  government  seems  to  have  been  dictated  by  the  same 
spirit." 

[Advice  of  Order  to  General  Taylor.] 

"  In  the  mean  time,  the  president,  in  anticipation  of  the  final 
refusal  of  the  Mexican  government  to  receive  you,  has  ordered 
the  army  of  Texas  to  advance  and  take  position  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  has  directed  that  a  strong  fleet 
shall  be  immediately  assembled  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  He 
will  thus  be  prepared  to  act  with  vigor  and  promptitude  the 
moment  that  Congress  shall  give  him  the  authority." 


HONORABLE    EFFORT    AND    PERSEVERANCE    ADVISED    BY    THE 
UNITED    STATES    GOVERNMENT. 

Mr.  Buchanan  to  Mr.  Slidell,  January  28,  1846. 

"  After  a  careful  and  critical  examination  of  the  contents, 
[of  your  despatches,]  the  president  entirely  approves  your  con 
duct.  The  exposure  contained  in  your  reply  to  the  Mexican 
minister  of  foreign  affairs,*  of  the  evasions  and  subterfuges 
of  his  government  in  excuse  of  their  refusal  to  recognize  you 
as  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the 

*  See  Appendix  N. 


HONORABLE    EFFORT    ADVISED.  99 

United  States,  is  so  complete  as  to  leave  me  nothing  to  add 
upon  the  subject.  It  is  now,  however,  morally  certain  that  the 
insurrection  of  Paredes  has  proved  successful,  and  that  a  new 
administration  of  some  kind  or  other  at  this  moment  controls 
that  unfortunate  country. 

"  The  question  arises,  therefore,  what  course  you  should 
pursue  in  this  contingency.  In  my  despatch  on  the  20th 
instant,  I  have  already  anticipated  nearly  all  that  is  necessary 
to  say  in  answer  to  this  question.  The  president  is  sincerely 
desirous  to  preserve  peace  with  Mexico.  Both  inclination 
and  policy  dictate  this  course.  Should  the  Mexican  govern 
ment,  however,  finally  refuse  to  receive  you,  the  cup  of  for 
bearance  will  then  have  been  exhausted.  Nothing  can 
remain  but  to  take  the  redress  of  the  injuries  to  our  citizens, 
and  the  insults  to  our  government,  into  our  own  hands.  In 
view  of  this  serious  alternative,  .every  honorable  effort  should 
be  made  before  a  final  rupture.  You  should  wait  patiently  for 
a  final  decision  on  the  question  of  your  reception,  unless  it 
should  be  unreasonably  protracted,  or  you  should  clearly  dis 
cover  that  they  are  trifling  with  this  government.  It  is  impos 
sible  for  any  person  not  upon  the  spot,  and  conversant  with  the 
motives  and  movements  of  the  revolutionary  government  now 
most  probably  existing  in  Mexico,  to  give  you  precise  instruc 
tions  how  long  your  forbearance  ought  to  continue.  Much 
must  necessarily  be  left  to  your  own  discretion.  In  general 
terms,  I  may  say  that  you  should  take  care  to  act  with  such 
prudence  arid  firmness,  that  it  may  appear  manifest  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States  and  to  the  world,  that  a  rupture 
could  not  be  honorably  avoided.  After  this,  should  the  Mexi 
can  government  finally  refuse  to  receive  you,  then  demand 
passports  from  the  proper  authority,  and  return  to  the  United 
States.  It  will  then  become  the  duty  of  the  president  to  sub 
mit  the  whole  case  to  Congress,  and  call  upon  the  nation  to 
assert  its  just  rights,  and  avenge  its  injured  honor." 


100  REVOLUTION    IN    MEXICO. 

REVOLUTION    IN    MEXICO PAREDES    IN    POWER. 

Mr.  Slidett  to   Mr.  Buchanan,  January  14,  1845. 

"  On  the  2d  January,  Paredes  entered  the  capital  with  his 
troops,  those  already  stationed  here  joining  his  triumphal 
march.  On  the  same  day,  a  junta  of  military  officers,  con 
vened  by  him,  met  and  established  a  plan  of  provisional  gov 
ernment,  to  be  administered  by  a  president  elected  by  a  body 
composed  of  two  notables  from  each  department.  These 
notables,  nominated  by  Paredes,  met  on  the  following  evening, 
and,  as  you  may  readily  imagine,  unanimously  elected  him 
president,  and  on  the  4th  instant  he  took  his  oath  of  office. 
By  the  plan  of  the  junta  of  officers,  a  constitutional  Congress 
was  to  be  convened,  with  unlimited  powers  for  the  establish 
ment  of  a  new  government,  &c. 

"  I  shall  not  be  surprised  to  receive,  in  a  day  or  two,  notice 
of  the  escort  (which  had  been  asked  for  in  the  early  part  of 
the  month)  being  at  my  disposition.  When  received,  I  shall 
proceed,  without  delay,  to  Jalapa.  If  there  be  any  disposi 
tion  on  the  part  of  those  now  in  power  to  reconsider  the 
decision  of  their  predecessors,  I  feel  satisfied  that  my  absence 
from  the  capital  will  tend  rather  to  accelerate  than  to  retard 
its  manifestations." 


UNITED    STATES    AND    GREAT    BRITAIN.        DUPLICITY    OF    THE 

MEXICAN    GOVERNMENT. 
Mr.  Slidell  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  Jalapa,  February  6,  1846. 

"  I  reached  this  place  on  the  20th  ultimo.  Since  my  de 
spatch  of  the  14th  ultimo,  nothing  has  occurred  to  indicate  the 
course  likely  to  be  taken  by  the  existing  government  as  to  my 
reception ;  but  I  think  it  will  mainly  be  controlled  by  the  aspect 
of  the  Oregon  question.  Should  our  difficulties  with  Great 
Britain  continue  to  present  a  prospect  of  war  with  that  power, 
there  will  be  but  a  very  faint  hope  of  a  change  of  policy 
here.  *  *  * 


WEAKNESS    OF    PAREDES.  101 

"  I  send  a  copy  of  a  communication  of  Mr.  Pena  y  Pena  to 
the  council  of  government,  made  on  the  llth  of  December, 
inviting  an  expression  of  opinion  of  the  council  on  the  subject 
of  my  recognition,  and  suggesting  his  reasons  why  it  should 
be  refused.*  This  document  presents  in  the  most  glaring  light 
the  bad  faith  of  the  late  government ;  and,  in  connection  with 
the  statement  of  Consul  Black,  accompanying  my  despatch  of 
the  17th  of  December,!  shows  in  the  most  conclusive  manner 
that,  from  the  moment  my  arrival  was  announced,  it  had  deter 
mined  to  avail  itself  of  ANY  PRETENCE,  however  frivolous,  to 
refuse  a  reception,  in  the  hope  that  by  thus  depriving  its  oppo 
nents  of  their  chief  theme  of  reproach  and  agitation,  the  im 
pending  blow  would  be  averted." 


WEAKNESS     OF     PAREDES.       APPROVAL     OF     GENERAL     TAYLOR'S 
ADVANCE. 

Mr.  Slidell  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  Jalapa,  February  17,  184G. 

"  Appearances  justify  the  belief  that  Paredes  will  not  be 
able  to  sustain  himself  until  the  meeting  of  the  constitutional 
Congress  ;  that  his  government  will  perish  from  inanition,  if 
from  no  other  cause. 

"  The  advance  of  General  Taylor's  force  to  the  left  bank 
of  the  Rio  (Grande)  del  Norte,  and  the  strengthening  our 
squadron  in  the  gulf,  are  wise  measures,  which  may  exercise  a 
salutary  influence  upon  the  course  of  this  government." 


SOLICITATIONS     FOR     NEGOTIATION     RENEWED    BY    MR.    SLIDELL. 
Mr.  Slidell  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  Jalapa,  March  1,  1846. 

"  In  conformity  with  your  instructions,  I  have  addressed  a 
note  to  the  minister  of  foreign  relations,  resubmitting  the  ques 
tion  of  my  recognition  for  final  decision. 

*  See  Appendix  O.  t  See  Appendix  P. 

9* 


102  SOLICITATIONS    FOR    NEGOTIATION    RENEWED. 

"  My  note  will  be  presented  at  the  most  propitious  moment 
that  could  have  been  selected.  All  attempts  to  effect  a  loan 
have  completely  failed.  The  suspicion  of  intention  to  introduce 
a  foreign  monarch  has  tended  very  much  to  abate  the  clamor 
against  the  United  States. 

41  My  letters  from  Mexico  speak  confidently  of  my  recogni 
tion,  but  there  is  no  safety  in  reasoning  from  the  probabili 
ties  or  analogies  as  to  the  course  of  public  men  in  this  coun- 
try." 

After  reviewing  the  correspondence  between  the  two  gov 
ernments,  with  an  independence  becoming  the  subject,  and  yet 
with  the  best  possible  spirit,  Mr.  Slidell  says,  in  his  letter  to 
Don  Joaquim  Castillo  y  Lanzas,  minister  of  foreign  relations, 
under  date  of  March  1,  1846, — 

"  The  president  of  the  United  States  entirely  approves  the 
course  pursued  by  the  undersigned,  and  the  communications 
by  him  addressed  to  the  Mexican  government.  Had  the  then 
existing  'government  continued  in  power,  as  no  alternative 
would  have  remained,  the  undersigned  would  have  been  directed 
to  demand  his  passports. 

•  "  The  destinies  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  however,  having 
since  been  committed  to  other  hands,  the  president  is  unwilling 
to  take  a  course  which  would  inevitably  result  in  war,  without 
making  another  effort  to  avert  so  great  a  calamity.  He  wishes, 
by  exhausting  every  honorable  means  of  conciliation,  to  de 
monstrate  to  the  civilized  world  that,  if  its  peace  shall  be  dis 
turbed,  the  responsibility  must  fall  upon  Mexico  alone.  He  is 
sincerely  desirous  to  preserve  that  peace  ;  but  the  state  quasi 
hostility  which  now  exists  on  the  part  of  Mexico  is  one  which 
is  incompatible  with  the  dignity  and  interests  of  the  United 
States  ;  and  it  is  for  the  Mexican  government  to  decide  whether 
it  shall  give  place  to  friendly  negotiations  or  lead  to  an  open 
rupture." 


MR.  SLIDELL    INSTRUCTED    TO    PERSEVERE.  103 


MR.    SLIDELL    INSTRUCTED   BY   HIS    GOVERNMENT   STILL  TO    PER 
SEVERE. 
Mr.  Buchanan  to  Mr.  Slidell,  March  12,  1846. 

u  I  am  directed  by  the  president  to  instruct  you  NOT  TO 
LEAVE  that  Republic  until  you  shall  have  made  a  formal  de 
mand  to  be  received  by  the  new  government.  The  govern 
ment  of  Paredes  came  into  existence,  not  by  a  regular  consti 
tutional  succession,  but  in  consequence  of  a  military  revolution, 
by  which  the  subsisting  constitutional  authorities  were  sub 
verted.  It  cannot  be  considered  as  a  mere  continuance  of  the 
government  of  Herrera.  On  the  contrary,  the  form  of  govern 
ment  has  been  entirely  changed,  as  well  as  all  the  high  func 
tionaries  at  the  head  of  the  administration.  The  two  govern 
ments  are  certainly  not  so  identical,  that  the  refusal  of  the  one 
to  receive  you  ought  to  be  considered  conclusive  evidence  that 
such  would  be  the  determination  of  the  other.  It  would  be 
difficult^  on  such  a  presumption,  in  regard  to  so  feeble  and 
distracted  a  country  as  Mexico,  to  satisfy  the  American  people 
that  all  had  been  done  which  ought  to  have  been  done,  to  avoid 
the  necessity  of  resorting  to  hostilities. 

"  On  your  return  to  the  United  States,  energetic  measures 
against  Mexico  would  at  once  be  recommended  by  the  presi 
dent  ;  and  these  might  fail  to  obtain  the  support  of  Congress, 
if  it  could  be  asserted  that  the  existing  government  had  not 
refused  to  receive  our  minister.  It  would  not  be  a  sufficient 
answer  to  such  an  allegation,  that  the  government  of  Herrera 
had  refused  to  receive  you,  and  that  you  were  therefore  justi 
fied  in  leaving  the  country,  after  a  short  delay,  because,  in  the 
mean  time,  the  government  of  Paredes  had  not  voluntarily 
offered  to  reverse  the  decision  of  its  predecessor. 

"  I  transmit  you,  herewith,  a  sealed  letter  from  the  president 
of  the  United  States,  accrediting  you  in  your  official  character 
to  General  Paredes,  as  president,  ad  interim,  of  the  Mexican 
Republic.  *  *  * 

"  You   suppose   that   appearances  justify   the    belief    that 


104  UNITED    STATES    MINISTER   AGAIN    REJECTED. 

Paredes  will  not  be  able  to  sustain  himself  until  the  meeting 
of  the  constitutional  Congress  ;  that  his  government  will  perish 
from  inanition,  if  from  no  other  cause. 

"  In  this  critical  posture  of  Mexican  affairs,  it  will  be  for 
yourself  to  decide  the  question  of  the  time  of  your  departure 
according  to  events  as  they  may  occur.  If,  after  you  shall 
have  fulfilled  your  instructions,  you  should  indulge  in  a  reason 
able  hope  that,  by  continuing  in  Mexico,  you  could  thus  best 
subserve  the  interests  of  your  country,  then  you  ought  to  re 
main,  provided  this  can  be  done  with  honor.  The  president 
reposes  entire  confidence  in  your  patriotism  and  discretion,  and 
knows  no  temporary  inconvenience  to  yourself  will  prevent 
you  from  performing  your  duty. 

"  It  may  be  that,  when  prepared  to  take  your  departure, 
another  revolution  might  be  impending,  the  result  of  which 
would  enable  you,  by  a  timely  interposition,  to  accomplish  the 
great  objects  of  your  mission.  Besides,  in  the  present  dis 
tracted  condition  of  Mexico,  it  is  of  importance  that  we  should 
have  an  able  and  discreet  agent  in  that  country  to  watch  the 
progress  of  events,  and  to  communicate  information  on  which 
the  department  could  rely." 


UNITED    STATES    MINISTER   AGAIN    REFUSED    BY    MEXICO. 
Mr.  Slidett  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  March  18,  1846. 

"  On  the  15th  instant,!  received  from  the  minister  of  foreign 
relations  a  reply  to  my  communication  of  the  1st  instant,  of 
which  you  have  already  been  advised. 

"  It  is  a  peremptoiy  refusal  to  receive  me  in  the  capacity 
of  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plenipotentiary.  I  have 
consequently,  in  conformity  to  your  instructions,  applied  for 
my  passports,  and,  so  soon  as  they  are  received,  I  shall  proceed 
to  Vera  Cruz,  there  to  embark  for  New  Orleans. 

"  1  am  at  a  loss  whether  to  ascribe  his  (Paredes)  refusal  to 
receive  me,  at  a  moment  when  his  position  is  so  critical,  to  the 
dread  of  having  the  pretext  which  he  had  so  successfully  used 


THE  LETTERS  OF  MR.  CASTILLO  Y  LANZAS.      105 

against  Herrera,  employed  against  himself,  or  to  a  reliance 
on  foreign  intervention.  Perhaps  his  motive  may  be  a  mixed 
one. 

"  As  to  any  changes  of  rulers  in  Mexico,  I  look  upon  them 
as  a  matter  of  great  indifference.  We  shall  never  be  able  to 
treat  with  her  on  fair  terms  until  she  has  been  taught  to  respect 
us.  It  certainly  was  proper  to  place  us  in  the  strongest  moral 
position  before  our  own  people  and  the  world,  by  exhausting 
every  possible  means  of  conciliation ;  but  here  all  amicable 
advances  are  considered  as  indicative  either  of  weakness  or 
treachery." 

THE  LETTERS  OF  MR.  CASTILLO  Y  LANZAS. 

Mr.  Castillo  y  Lanzas  was  the  successor  of  Mr.  Pena  y  Pena 
in  office.  He  addressed  several  letters  to  Mr.  Slidell,  and  they 
are  published  with  the  other  documents  of  our  government ; 
but  as  they  present  no  new  views,  we  do  not  deem  them  of 
sufficient  importance  to  be  given  in  this  place.  They  are 
written  with  spirit,  but  not  with  much  judgment,  and  they  add 
nothing  to  the  strength  of  the  positions  of  his  predecessors  in 
office. 

In  his  letter  of  March  12,  1846,  to  Mr.  Slidell,  with  a  flip 
pant  arrogance  and  ill-judged  rudeness,  he  says,  "  After  the 
definite  and  clear  explanations  rendered  to  his  excellency, 
Mr.  Slidell,  in  the  note  of  20th  December  last,  referred  to  by 
him,  it  is  not  easy  to  comprehend  how  the  executive  of  the 
United  States  should  still  think  it  can  find  reasons  for  insisting 
upon  that  which  was  then  refused  upon  grounds  the  most  con 
clusive." 

He  endeavors  to  sustain  charges  of  usurpation,  violence, 
fraud,  artifice,  and  intrigue  against  the  United  States,  in  a  man 
ner  which  might  be  looked  for  in  an  ultra  party  journal,  but 
not  in  the  communications  of  a  cabinet  minister.  He  arrives 
at  a  conclusion,  as  others  had  done  before  him,  not  warranted 
by  the  premises,  or  by  the  diplomatic  usage  of  nations. 

"  The  Mexican  government,"  he  says,  "  offered  to  admit 


106  MEXICAN    GOVERNMENT    WITHOUT    EXCUSE. 

the  plenipotentiary  or  commissioner  who  should  come  clothed 
with  special  powers  to  treat  upon  the  question  of  Texas. 
Upon  this  point  the  resolve  of  the  Mexican  government  is 
immutable. 

"  It  is,  therefore,  upon  the  United  States,  and  not  upon  Mex 
ico,  that  devolves  to  determine  in  the  alternative  presented  by 
Mr.  Slidell,  that  is,  between  a  friendly  negotiation  and  an  open 
rupture." 

MEXICAN    GOVERNMENT    WITHOUT    EXCUSE    OR    DEFENCE. 

In  reply  to  the  last  paragraph  of  the  letter  of  Mr.  Castillo  y 
Lanzas,  Mr.  Slidell,  under  date  of  March  17,  1846,  says,  — 

"  The  Mexican  government  cannot  shift  the  responsibility 
of  war  upon  the  United  States,  by  assuming  that  they  are  the 
aggressors.  A  plain,  unanswerable  fact  responds  to  all  the 
subtilties  and  sophistries  by  which  it  is  attempted  to  obscure  the 
real  question  ;  that  fact  is,  the  presence  in  Mexico  of  a  minis 
ter  of  the  United  States,  clothed  with  full  power  to  settle  all 
the  questions  in  dispute  between  the  two  nations,  and  among 
them  that  of  Texas.  Their  complaints  are  mutual ;  the  con 
sideration  of  them  cannot  be  separated ;  and  they  must  be  set 
tled  by  the  same  negotiation,  or  by  the  arbitrament  which  Mex 
ico  herself  has  elected." 

Again,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  dated  April  2, 1846,  Mr. 
Slidell  says,  "  The  notes  of  Mr.  Castillo  y  Lanzas  will  give  you 
a  correct  idea  of  the  temper  of  the  Paredes  government ;  and, 
although  it  will  probably  soon  be  replaced  by  another,  we  have 
no  reason  to  expect  a  change  of  tone  towards  us  until  Mexico 
shall  have  been  made  to  feel  our  strength." 

THE    REJECTED    MISSION    OF    PEACE. 

If  the  act  of  sending  a  minister  to  Mexico  was  one  of  mag 
nanimity  on  the  part  of  our  government,  it  may  be  truly  said, 
that  the  mission  was  executed  in  beautiful  harmony  with  such 
a  spirit.  The  requisitions  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Corinthians,*  with 

*  1  Cor.  chap.  xiii. 


THE    REJECTED    MISSION    OF    PEACE.  107 

regard  to  the  world-wide  duties  of  charity,  were  never  more 
fully  exemplified  than  in  the  course  pursued  by  our  govern 
ment  with  that  of  Mexico.  We  doubt  whether  such  a  series 
of  examples  of  kindness,  of  patience  and  forbearance,  in  a 
nation,  can  be  found  in  the  annals  of  the  world. 

Every  step  on  the  part  of  Mexico  was  marked  by  a  super 
cilious  recklessness  that  admits  of  no  solution  but  in  weakness, 
and  by  a  spirit  of  bold  insult  that  admits  of  no  apology  but  in 
ignorance. 

She  agreed  to  propositions  which  she  dare  not  decline,  and 
she  declined  to  abide  by  her  agreements,  because  she  dare  not 
execute  them.  She  was  a  slave  to  a  thousand  fears  that  she 
could  not  define,  and  she  was  deluded  by  a  thousand  hopes 
that  she  could  not  control.  She  had  not  courage  to  avow  her 
real  motives,  and  she  was  willing  to  submit  to  any  degradation 
in  preference  to  an  exposure  of  her  desperate  condition.  She 
had  no  confidence  but  in  change,  and  no  hope  but  in  the  uncer 
tainty  of  all  that  was  doubtful  in  the  future.  She  considered 
no  compromise  too  dear  that  promised  a  temporary  influence, 
and  no  expedient  objectionable  that  postponed  present  liabilities 
to  future  contingencies.  She  was  like  a  subject  within  the  iron 
grasp  of  unrelenting  disease  :  conscious  of  its  dreadful  and  with 
ering  presence,  and  convinced  that  all  remedies  were  terrible,  but 
reluctant  to  resort  to  the  benefit  of  the  one,  or  to  submit  to  the 
crisis  of  the  other.  In  her  necessities  and  long-continued,  sad 
practices,  she  had  exhausted  all  the  changes  of  escape  which  a 
kind  Providence  extends  to  its  subjects  of  accountability,  and 
she  was  made  delirious  by  the  startling  conviction  that  she  could 
perform  no  duty  but  at  the  expense  of  humiliation.  Her 
pride  had  mastered  her  principle,  and  her  want  of  principle 
had  prostrated  her  power  and  compromised  her  dignity. 
Mexico  was  indeed  a  subject  of  charity.  And  it  is  with  sen 
timents  of  profound  satisfaction  that  we  find  she  was  so 
regarded  by  our  government. 

We  are  not  ignorant  that  opposite  views  have  been  fre 
quently  and  earnestly  advanced  against  the  temper  and  objects 


108  THE    REJECTED    MISSION    OF  .PEACE. 

of  this  mission,  but  we  cannot  withhold  an  expression  of  our 
amazement,  that  even  partisans  should  permit  themselves  to 
be  so  blinded  to  the  truth,  and  patriotic  duty,  as  to  be  the  will 
ing  instruments  of  deception  in  aiding  to  obscure  what  will  in 
future  time  be  regarded  by  the  people  of  this  country,  and  of 
other  countries,  one  of  the  brightest  pages  of  our  national 
history.  The  Hon.  Daniel  Webster,  in  a  speech  delivered 
in  Philadelphia,  1846,  said,  that  "  Mexico  was  wholly  unjusti 
fiable  in  refusing  to  receive  our  minister."  In  dwelling  upon 
this  mission,  it  is  not  so  much  our  object  to  prove  Mexico 
in  the  wrong,  —  which  demands  but  few  words  to  show,  —  as 
to  exhibit  the  admirable  spirit  by  which  all  the  acts  of  our  gov 
ernment  were  dictated.  The  lesson  is  an  instructive  one. 

The  proposition  of  our  government  was  made  in  language 
that  could  not  be  mistaken.  It  was  plain  and  directly  to  the 
point.  The  object  was  stated,  the  means  for  its  accomplish 
ment  suggested.  The  communication  of  the  secretary  of  state 
was  before  the  government  of  Mexico,  and  our  consul,  in  his 
communication  to  the  minister  of  foreign  relations,  quoted 
verbatim  the  entire  proposition,  after  having  given  it  verbally. 
It  was  thrice  repeated.  The  entire  phraseology  of  the  letter  of 
Mr.  Buchanan  to  Mr.  Black  shows  but  one  purpose,  and  by  no 
rule  of  construction  can  that  purpose  be  increased  or  lessened. 
Past  relations  were  referred  to,  and  asked  to  be  restored  —  not 
in  one  thing,  but  in  all  things.  An  envoy  to  settle  ALL  disputes 
was  proposed,  and  no  allusion  whatever  was  made  to  any 
agency  upon  a  special  subject.  To  accomplish  such  an  end,  a 
minister  of  the  highest  grade  was  requisite  ;  and  if  our  govern 
ment  had  done  less  by  sending  an  agent  of  inferior  rank, 
Mexico  would  indeed  have  had  some  cause  of  complaint. 

Admitting  for  a  moment  that  such  was  the  understanding  of 
the  Mexican  government,  that  we  were  to  send  a  commissioner 
impowered  to  act  upon  one  subject  only,  —  this  admission 
gives  no  relief  to  the  position  of  the  Mexican  government 
whatever.  It  is  a  principle  as  clear  in  common  sense  and 
political  economy  as  it  is  in  mathematics,  that  the  greater 


THE    REJECTED    MISSION    OF    PEACE.  109 

includes  the  lesser,  and  if  the  lesser  be  stipulated  and  the 
greater  given,  the  variation  must  be  viewed  as  a  courtesy  or  a 
gain.  Who  would  repel  it?  Reverse  the  order,  and  who 
would  not  reject  it  ?  This  distinction  is  reduced  to  an  axiom, 
and  yet  many  affect  to  be  ignorant  of  the  principle  in  applica 
tion.  The  error  is  admirably  illustrated  by  a  simple  story, 
quaintly  told  somewhere,  by  Lord  Jeffrey.  We  give  the  sub 
stance,  but  may  not  give  the  language  of  his  lordship. 

A  kind-hearted  man  had  a  large  cat  and  a  small  kitten.  He 
prepared  a  snug  little  house  for  them  both,  making  a  large 
door  for  the  cat  and  a  small  door  for  the  kitten,  not  dreaming, 
in  his  simple  philosophy,  that  the  kitten,  in  its  littleness,  could 
follow  the  cat,  in  her  amplitude,  with  more  ease  than  if  confined 
to  an  opening  of  its  own  dimensions,  and  that  one  door  would 
have  accommodated  both  ! 

We  shall  be  excused,  we  doubt  not,  for  introducing  an  ex 
ample  of  such  apparent  insignificance  to  illustrate  so  grave  a 
subject  as  the  one  under  consideration. 

Our  government  opened  with  frankness  its  widest  and  largest 
door,  and  invited  Mexico  to  enter,  and  with  the  spirit  of  con 
ciliation  to  negotiate  and  to  adjust  all  difficulties.  But  Mexico, 
hesitating  and  retiring,  says,  "  No !  our  dignity  requires  that 
we  should  enter  no  place  so  large.  Our  position  through  such 
a  door  might  not  be  distinctly  seen  or  understood.  If  you 
will  close  that  large  door,  and  open  a  small  one,  we  will  enter, 
but  not  otherwise."  They  would  not  have  proposed  even  this, 
if  they  had  not  known  that  there  was  but  one  door  in  this  case 
that  could  be  opened,  and  that,  too,  in  a  building  where  all 
their  accounts  were  kept,  and  which  they  had  no  desire  to  see. 
They  would  prefer  the  smallest  door  in  any  other  place,  than 
the  largest  door  in  the  right  place.  Their  necessity  was  made 
a  plea  for  dignity. 

That  the  reply  of  the  Mexican  minister  was  confined  to  a 

commissioner  different  in  capacity  to  the  one  proposed  by  our 

government,  is  a  matter  of  no  consequence,  inasmuch  as  no 

difference  was  proposed  or  recognized.     The  proposition  was 

10 


110  THE    REJECTED    MISSION    OF    PEACE. 

met,  and  no  exceptions  were  made  to  it.  If  a  language  was 
employed  of  a  limited  sense  with  a  motive  to  ulterior  advantage 
not  expressed,  we  have  only  to  lament  another  instance  of 
duplicity  to  be  added  to  a  catalogue  already  too  long  in  the 
history  of  that  nation. 

That  the  reception  of  our  minister  would  be  regarded  as  a 
restoration  of  all  friendly  relations  between  the  two  countries, 
was  a  singular  and  gratuitous  assumption.  The  very  terms  of 
the  appointment  of  a  minister  implied  negotiation  and  adjust 
ment,  as  the  means  of  restoration, — not  restoration  itself.  Could 
the  effect  precede  the  cause  ?  What  nation  would  confound 
a  treaty  with  the  discussion  of  a  treaty  ?  Is  a  minister  less 
qualified  to  negotiate  and  adjust  one  question,  because  he  is 
authorized  to  adjust  all  ?  It  is  worse  than  idle  to  enlarge  upon 
a  distinction  so  puerile  in  itself,  and  so  absurd  in  its  application. 
It  would  be  too  much  deference  to  an  act  that  cannot  claim 
the  paternity  of  an  honest  judgment.  Its  authors  made  it 
with  no  honest  purpose,  and  whoever  attempts  to  defend  the 
position,  must  do  it  at  the  expense  of  all  rules  of  logic,  and  at 
the  greater  expense  of  reputation  in  the  use  of  the  powers  of 
moral  and  intellectual  discernment.  There  is  no  merchant, 
however  deficient  in  system,  that  would  employ  an  agent  to 
settle  a  single  item  of  a  disputed  account,  leaving  all  others 
still  to  be  adjusted  by  other  agents.  Why  should  our  govern 
ment  be  asked  to  adopt  a  method  of  business  with  nations  that 
individuals  would  reject  as  insulting,  if  proposed  to  be  adopted 
by  them  in  their  most  ordinary  concerns  ? 

A  debtor  unprepared  to  pay  is  averse  to  all  appointments 
with  creditors.  He  will  not  decline  them,  for  this  would  be 
folly,  as  his  own  interest  might  suffer  by  an  act  that  would  cost 
him  nothing  ;  but,  if  he  can  see  his  way  clear  to  avoid  them, 
he  counts  it  a  most  happy  privilege.  It  was  so  with  Mexico. 
She  wished  to  call  our  nation  to  an  account  for  its  acts  with 
another  power,  but  she  did  not  desire  to  render  any  account 
of  her  own  acts  in  relation  to  us.  She  stood  in  a  forced  posi 
tion  as  plaintiff  in  respect  to  Texas,  but  in  other  respects  she 


THE    REJECTED    MISSION    OF    PEACE.  Ill 

was  a  delinquent  debtor  to  the  United  States,  and  an  aggressor 
to  an  extent  that  was  yet  to  be  ascertained.  She  had  no 
money,  and  no  reliable  means  to  command  any.  This  was 
not  the  worst  of  her  condition.  The  very  existence  of  her 
government  was  doubtful,  and  her  prospect  was  any  thing  but 
flattering  for  the  future.  Lifted  up  by  pride  and  ambition,  she 
gilded  the  skeleton  of  her  body,  with  a  seeming  ignorance  that 
her  poverty  was  seen  only  in  the  want  of  its  flesh.  As  a  na 
tion,  she  had  not  the  spirit  to  discuss  the  interests  which  she 
could  not  sustain  ;  and,  as  a  bankrupt,  she  had  no  heart  to  sit 
upon  the  adjustment  of  accounts  she  could  not  pay.  Nothing 
would  avail  her  but  integrity,  and  of  this  she  had  less  than  of 
silver  and  gold. 

The  Mexican  minister  was  willing  to  express  surprise  that 
an  envoy  from  the  United  States  had  arrived  so  soon  !  "  Who 
could  it  be  !  What  could  it  mean  ! "  Why  did  he  not  honestly 
express  his  fears,  as  he  subsequently  did,  without  this  affecta 
tion  of  ignorance,  without  a  falsehood  that  he  could  not  con 
ceal  ?  If  he  had  re-perused  the  letter  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  pro 
posing  to  send  a  minister,  he  would  have  seen  that  the  time 
was  mentioned.  It  was  —  "immediately."  He  was  glad  to 
see  promptness  in  the  withdrawal  of  our  squadron,  but  it  was 
unpleasant  to  him  in  any  other  respect.  His  whole  course  was 
one  of  abject  subserviency  to  prevailing  circumstances.  He 
had  not  the  courage  to  keep  a  secret,  in  the  fear  that  his  fel 
lows  in  office  might  promulgate  it  in  advance  at  his  expense. 
He  must  hold  one  language  to  the  council,  another  to  our 
minister,  and  yet  another  to  the  people.  He  was  opposed  to 
all  measures  that  threatened  the  stability  of  his  influence,  and 
in  favor  of  all  that  promised  to  sustain  it.  The  pride  of  con 
sistency  and  truth  was  no  part  of  his  nature.  He  preferred 
success  with  disgrace  to  failure  with  honor. 

We  grieve  to  be  severe  upon  a  man  who  does  not  appear  to 
be  conscious  of  his  own  degradation,  but  we  can  hardly  repress 
our  feelings  of  indignation  when  we  look  at  the  examples  of 
duplicity  in  Mr.  Pena  y  Pena,  in  his  letters,  addressed  at  the 


112  BOUNDARY    OF    TEXAS. 

same  time,  upon  the  same  subjects,  but  with  conflicting  views, 
to  Mr.  Black,  to  Mr.  Slidell,  and  to  the  council.  It  is  proper 
that  such  acts  should  be  pointed  out  and  condemned,  so  that 
the  inducements  to-  wrong  may  be  lessened,  and  the  incite 
ments  to  right  increased.  We  now  come  to  another  important 
question. 

WAS    THE    UNITED    STATES    GOVERNMENT    JUST    TO    MEXICO 
ON    THE    SUBJECT    OF    BOUNDARY. 

We  have  seen  that  our  government  was  faithful  and  prompt 
in  affording  protection  to  Texas  against  foreign  invasion ;  we 
have  contrasted  the  acts  of  favor  of  the  United  States  with 
those  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  Mexico ;  and  we  now  proceed 
to  inquire  whether  the  government  of  the  United  States,  in 
striving  to  be  just  to  Texas,  has  been  just  to  Mexico,  in  regard 
to  the  boundary  lines  between  the  two  countries. 

The  boundaries  of  Texas  were  those  secured  by  revolution. 
They  were  marked  by  the  sword,  and  confirmed  by  possession. 
Her  battles  were  fought  by  her  own  citizens,  and  with  none 
but  with  the  armies  of  Mexico.  Her  victories  were  at  the 
expense  of  Mexico  —  strength  measuring  strength.  Her  inde 
pendence  was  to  the  exclusion  of  Mexico,  and  self-established. 
Pier  government  was  organized,  and  endowed  with  vitality  ; 
and  Mexico  lost  all  right  there,  by  being  unable  to  sustain  it, 
and  she  lost  all  power  within  the  limits  of  the  State  by  with 
drawing  her  forces.  Texas  stood  acknowledged  as  one  of 
the  great  family  of  nations.  She  had  marked  her  own  boun 
dary  lines  ;  and  she  had  entire  confidence  in  the  justice  of  her 
claims  to  limits  as  they  were  defined  in  her  statute-book. 

By  the  act  of  annexation,  the  question  of  boundary  between 
Mexico  and  Texas  was  left  an  open  one,  to  be  decided  by 
negotiation  between  the  governments  of  Mexico  and  the  United 
States.  It  was  embraced  in  the  instructions  given  to  Mr. 
Slidell,  but,  as  we  have  seen,  it  was  not  even  considered. 

It  became  the   first   question  with  the  government  of   the 


HOW    IS    TEXAS    BOUNDED?  113 

United  States,  when  asked  to  give  protection,  —  how  far  it 
should  be  extended. 


HOW    IS    TEXAS    BOUNDED? 

Tt  was  not  a  question  within  its  own  control,  to  be  decided 
according  to  its  own  interests  or  views.*  There  were  two 
parties  to  be  consulted.  Texas  had  her  rights,  and  so  had 
Mexico.  Texas  made  her  claims,  but  Mexico  disputed  them. 
Mexico  made  no  question  with  regard  to  boundary.  Her  claim 
was  one  of  title  and  sovereignty.!  The  people  of  Texas  were 
claimed  to  be  the  subjects  of  Mexico ;  and  the  territory  of 
Texas  a  part  of  her  national  domain,  undivided  and  indivisible. 
In  this  posture  of  affairs  what  course  could  be  safely  pursued 
by  the  United  States  ?  Mexico  claimed  the  whole,  and  refused 
to  negotiate. 

So  far  as  the  claim  of  Mexico  was  involved,  the  United 
States  had  decided  it,  by  acknowledging  the  independence  of 
Texas.  Other  nations  had  done  the  same.  This  question 
was  indeed  no  longer  open  for  discussion ;  it  had  been  settled. 
The  supposed  interest  of  Mexico  remained  at  issue,  to  be 
adjusted  whenever  she  was  prepared  to  negotiate.  The  in 
terest  of  Texas  was  defined  in  her  own  public  acts,  and  she 
claimed  her  own  rights  as  she  had  in  her  own  sovereignty 
declared  them.  The  government  of  the  United  States  was 

*  See  Appendix  Q. 

f  In  the  letter  of  the  Mexican  commissioners  to  Mr.  Trist,  when 
negotiating  for  a  treaty  of  peace,  September  6,  1847,  they  say,  — 

"  The  existing  war  has  been  undertaken  SOLELY  on  account  of  the 
territory  of  the  State  of  Texas,  respecting  which  the  North  Ameri 
can  Republic  presents  as  its  title  the  act  of  the  said  State  by  which 
it  was  annexed  to  the  North  American  confederation,  after  having 
proclaimed  its  independence  of  Mexico.  The  Mexican  Republic 
offering  (as  we  have  informed  your  excellency)  to  consent,  for  a 
proper  indemnification,  to  the  pretensions  of  the  government  at 
Washington  to  the  territory  of  Texas,  THE  CAUSE  OF  THE  WAR  has 
disappeared,  and  the  war  itself  ought  to  cease." 
10* 


1 14  HOW    IS    TEXAS    BOUNDED  ? 

the  adjusting  power  between  the  two  parties.  Mexico  refused 
to  speak,  and  the  boundary  of  Texas,  as  claimed  by  her  own 
government  and  people,  was  the  only  one  offered.  Our  right 
to  fix  the  boundary  was  only  by  negotiation  with  Mexico,  and 
that  was  declined.  The  government  of  the  United  States, 
therefore,  had  no  alternative,  but  to  defend  the  territory  of 
Texas  as  claimed  by  her  government.* 

But  another  question  arose,  and  it  has  received  much  attention. 
It  was  one  of  supposition.  It  was  asked,  "  Suppose  Mexico  were 
to  give  up  Texas,  and  acknowledge  her  independence,  to  what 
boundary  would  she  give  her  assent  ?  "  Whatever  may  have 
been  our  opinions  upon  this  question,  nothing  was  more  certain 
than  that  we  had  no  authority  to  decide  it.  It  was  not  for  us  to 
assume  a  position  for  Mexico  which  her  government  had  posi 
tively  disclaimed.  We  had  no  right  to  sit  in  judgment  upon  a 
boundary  question  in  which  her  interest  was  involved  without 
her  consent.  Mexico  cannot  have  the  privilege  of  two  posi 
tions  in  respect  to  the  same  interest.  She  must  stand  as  claim 
ing  all  Texas,  or  a  part  of  Texas,  but  she  must  make  her  elec 
tion  which.  She  did,  indeed,  make  her  election,  but  her 
friends  made  a  different  one.t  We  insist  that  she  shall  speak 
for  herself.  No  party  has  a  right  to  speak  for  her,  when  her 

*  "Well,  then,  were  the  United  States  at  liberty  to  surrender  a 
portion  of  that  territory?  Why,  that  would  have  been  a  flagrant 
violation  of  the  implied  contract  which  the  joint  resolutions  of  Con 
gress  had  completed.  Could  the  president  of  the  United  States 
take  upon  himself  the  responsibility  of  such  an  assumption  as  that 
Texas,  after  becoming  one  of  the  United  States,  had  ceased  to  have 
her  limits  up  to  the  Rio  Grande  ?  He  could  not.  And  if  he  could 
not  surrender  any  part  of  that  territory,  how  could  it  be  that  this  was 
the  president's  war  ? " —  Mr.  Soule's  Speech,  U.  S.  Senate,  February,  1817. 

f  That  Congress  was  really  in  favor  of  the  advance  of  General  Tay 
lor  to  the  Rio  Grande,  may  be  inferred  from  the  votes  of  that  body 
on  the  amendments  offered  by  Mr.  Holmes  and  by  Mr.  Delano. 
These  were  intended  to  be  acts  of  censure  or  disapproval  of  the  govern 
ment  in  taking  possession  of  territory  beyond  the  Nueces.  The  former 
was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  122  to  8  ;  the  latter  by  a  vote  of  97  to  27. 


HOW    IS    TEXAS    BOUNDED?  115 

own  acts  have  become  a  part  of  history.*  If  she  claims  all, 
as  was  the  case,  then  the  act  on  the  part  of  the  United  States 
in  sending  troops  to  the* Rio  Grande  was  no  more  an  act  of 
hostility  than  if  they  had  been  sent  to  Galveston.  The  ques 
tion  to  be  decided  by  the  United  States  was,  so  far  as  Mexico 
was  concerned,  whether  troops  should  be  sent  to  any  part  of 
Texas  —  not  to  what  parts,  for  the  same  question  was  involved 
in  regard  to  every  part.  It  was  impossible  to  conform  to  the 
requisition  of  Mexico,  for  it  would  have  been  in  contradiction 
to  our  own  acts,  and  to  those  of  other  countries  with  respect  to 
Texas.  It  then  remained  that  we  should  defend  the  boundary 
of  Texas,  and  be  true  to  that  until  we  should  have  evidence 
that  a  different  one  was  required  by  justice  ;  and  hence  it  was 
left  an  open  question  by  the  act  of  annexation. 

No  other  position  was  tenable  for  Mexico.  If  she  had 
adopted  a  policy  for  herself,  similar  to  the  one  which  her  affect 
ed  friends  have  defended  on  her  account,  our  government 
doubtless  would  have  received  a  communication  from  Mexico, 
through  Mr.  Slidell,  or  Mr.  Buchanan,  something  like  the 
following  :  — 

"  If  we  show  that  we  can  recover  Texas,  as  we  have  sworn 
to  try,  then  the  United  States  have  committed  hostilities  by 
marching  troops  into  the  first  rod  of  that  country.  But,  if  we 
cannot  recover  Texas,  then  you  have  committed  hostilities  by 
marching  troops  to  the  Rio  Grande  ;  for,  if  we  cannot  get  all 
Texas,  we  shall  claim  a  part,  as  if  no  revolution  had  taken 
place,  and  we  had  only  to  fix  a  friendly  boundary.  If,  how 
ever,  Texas  succeeds  in  defending  the  soil  to  the  Rio  Grande 
against  us,  then  you  hav§  committed  no  acts  of  hostility  at  all. 

"  What  you  do  will  be  judged  of  entirely  by  what  we  are 
able  to  do.  As  our  military  power  is  not  great,  we  think  it 
would  be  an  act  of  magnanimity  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States  to  permit  us  to  continue  hostilities  if  successful ;  but  if 
unsuccessful,  to  allow  us  to  close  all  differences  in  a  friendly 
way,  as  if  no  war  had  existed." 

*  See  Appendix  R. 


116        HAS    TEXAS    A   JUST    CLAIM    TO    THE    RIO    GRANDE? 

This  is  a  literal  statement  of  the  positions  in  which  some  of 
the  friends  of  Mexico  have  placed  her.  Even  Mexico  would 
not  consider  itself  much  honored  by  such  absurdity. 

But,  as  much  argument  has  been  based  upon  supposition  in 
the  controversy,  we  are  ready  to  meet  the  question, 

HAS  TEXAS  A  JUST  CLAIM  TO  MAKE  THE  RIO  GRANDE 

her  boundary,  by  virtue  of  her  revolution  ?  This  boundary 
has  always  been  claimed  by  Texas,  according  to  settled  prin 
ciples  of  international  law  ;  and,  until  Mexico  can  prove  to  the 
contrary,  the  United  States  are  pledged  to  hold  it  sacred. 

We  have  made  a  quotation  from  a  speech  of  the  Hon. 
T.  J.  Rusk,  U.  S.  senator  from  Texas,*  which  briefly  and 
clearly  gives  evidence  that  the  claim  of  Texas  is  a  just 
one.  There  have  been  some  able  speeches  upon  this  subject, 
made  by  members  of  Congress,  and  if  we  do  not  quote  from 
them,  it  is  because  our  limits  forbid  it.  General  Rusk  was 
distinguished  in  the  revolution  of  Texas,  and  he  speaks  from 
personal  knowledge.  Besides,  there  is  a  candor  and  simplicity 
in  his  remarks,  which  incline  us  to  a  feeling  of  confidence  in 
his  statements. 

The  same  power  which  made  Texas  free  and  independent 
of  Mexico,  claimed  the  Rio  Grande  as  the  boundary. f  If 
the  power  was  equal  to  title  and  sovereignty,  was  it  not  equal 
to  a  declaration  of  its  boundary,  admitting  that  she  had  no 

*  See  Appendix  S. 

t  In  an  article  upon  Texas,  published  in  the  Cincinnati  Gazette, 
November,  1829,  a  writer,  who  professes  a  practical  acquaintance 
with  his  subject,  says,  — 

"  The  term  Texas  is  usually  understood  to  designate  the  whole 
tract  of  country  lying  between  the  south-western  boundary  of  the 
United  States  and  the  River  Rio  Grande,  alias,  the  Rio  Bravo  del 
Norte." 

Mr.  Ward,  once  British  charge  d'affaires  in  Mexico,  in  his  work  on 
Mexico,  says,  "  It  is  now  seven*years  since  the  design  of  appropri 
ating  to  themselves  the  fertile  province,  (Texas,)  and  thus  extend 
ing  their  frontier  to  the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte,  was  first  attributed  to 


HAS  TEXAS  A  JUST  CLAIM  TO  THE  RIO  GRANDE.    117 

other  claim  ?  When  the  independence  of  Texas  was  acknowl 
edged  by  the  United  States  and  by  other  nations,  she  had 
declared  her  boundary ;  and  if  this  had  been  considered  an 
element  as  absolutely  inconsistent  with  her  claims  to  sov 
ereignty,  if  it  had  been  viewed  as  a  gross  infringement  upon 
the  rights  of  Mexico  according  to  the  laws  of  nations,  it  should 
have  been  noticed  by  these  nations  as  a  bar  to  their  acknowl 
edgment.* 

the  United  States,"  &c.  This  work  was  noticed  by  the  National 
Intelligencer,  October  21,  1829,  under  the  following  head  :  "  Pros 
pect  of  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States." 

In  an  article  published  in  the  New  York  Courier  and  Inquirer, 
November  8,  1834,  on  the  boundary  of  Texas,  in  case  of  annexation, 
the  writer  says,  "  What  that  boundary  will  ultimately  be,  it  is  impos 
sible  to  say  ;  but  it  is  so  obviously  the  interest,  both  of  Mexico  and 
the  United  States,  to  make  the  Rio  Grande  the  dividing  line,  that 
we  do  not  doubt,  sooner  or  later,  that  river  will  be  fixed  upon  by  the 
two  governments." 

We  give  these  extracts  mainly  for  the  purpose  of  showing  the 
popular  sentiment  in  regard  to  the  boundary  of  Texas  long  before  it 
became  a  party  question. 

*  This  principle  was  recognized  by  the  British  government,  in 
regard  to  a  diiferent  boundary,  when  called  upon  to  acknowledge  the 
independence  of  Texas.  "  While  the  Texan  commissioner  at  the 
court  of  St.  James  was  negotiating  the  acknowledgment  of  the  inde 
pendence  of  his  country  by  England,  Lord  Palmerston  called  the 
attention  of  General  Henderson,  the  Texan  minister,  to  the  extraor 
dinary  claim  set  up  by  the  president  of  Texas,  and  objected  to  go  on 
with  the  negotiation,  lest  the  acknowledgment  of  the  country  might 
be  construed  to  sanction  its  asserted  claim  to  Northern  Mexico  and 
California.  The  commissioner  replied,  that  he  had  no  authority  to 
commit  his  government  on  the  question  of  boundary.  Nevertheless, 
the  independence  of  Texas  was  then  acknowledged  by  the  British 
government,  and  with  full  knowledge  and  admission  by  them  of  Presi 
dent  Lamar's  claim.  General  Lamar,  in  his  first  message  as  president 
of  the  Republic  of  T°xas,  claimed  all  the  country  lying  west  of  Texas 
to  the  Pacific."  —  Gilliam's  Mexico,  p.  388.  If  Lord  Palmerston  had 
foreseen  the  event  of  annexation,  the  independence  of  Texas,  most 
likely,  would  not  have  been  acknowledged  by  England  at  that  time. 
See  Appendix  T. 


118  THE  TREATY  OF  SANTA  ANNA. 

The  formal  recognition  of  a  new  government  is  an  important 
act,  and  involves  important  principles.  These  principles  are 
entirely  national  in  their  character,  and  relate  to  the  well-being 
of  nations  as  such.  Ephemeral  governments  would  be  national 
evils  ;  and  governments  of  outrage  would  be  national  wrongs. 
Although  one  nation  cannot  determine  for  another  nation  its 
form  of  government,  nor  direct  its  foreign  or  internal  policy, 
still,  it  has  a  right  to  require  conformity  to  certain  great  prin 
ciples  of  justice  which  make  up  the  common  law  of  nations. 
It  may  not  be  the  right  of  a  nation  to  demand  such  conformity 
of  another,  except  when  called  upon  to  grant  an  act  of  recog 
nition.  This  recognition  should  always  be  on  the  side  of  jus 
tice  and  humanity  —  not  according  to  the  views  of  one  nation, 
but  of  all  nations  that  come  within  the  sphere  of  civilization. 

The  United  States  had  agreed  to  take  the  title  of  Texas  to 
sovereignty,  and  if  this  does  not  embrace  rights  as  to  its  own 
boundary,  it  is  inconsistent  with  itself. 

But  with  the  spirit  of  equity  let  us  examine 

THE    TREATY    OF    SANTA    ANNA,* 

which  gives  the  Rio  Grande  as  the  true  boundary  between  the 
two  nations. 

This  is  said  to  be  no  treaty,  because  it  was  not  ratified  by 
the  government  of  Mexico.  In  this  respect  it  would  be 
defective  as  a  treaty  between  two  nations,  if  made  under  ordi 
nary  circumstances.  The  circumstances  in  this  case,  how 
ever,  were  peculiar  and  extraordinary. 

1.  Mexico  was  governed  at  that  time  by  a  military  dictator, 
and  he  was,  ex  officio,  commander-in-chief  of  the  Mexican 
army. 

2.  Under   his   command   the    army    invaded   Texas;  was 
defeated  and  captured. 

3.  Santa   Anna,   as   commander-in-chief  of   the   Mexican 
army,  was  a  prisoner  of  war  ;  but  as  dictator  of  Mexico,  he 

*  See  Appendix  G. 


THE    TREATY    OF    SANTA    ANNA.  119 

fully  represented  the  treaty-making  power  of  his  own  govern 
ment,  —  he  was,  in  fact,  the  government.* 

4.  He  proposed  and  urged  a  treaty,  agreeing  to  all  the  stip 
ulations  required  by  Texas,  and  it  was  executed  by  himself  as 
president  of  Mexico  and  by  the  chief  officers  of  his  army,  — 
the  second  in  command,  Filisola,  at  the  head  of  five  or  six 
thousand  men,  being  at  liberty  to  act  his  pleasure,  to  confirm 
the  act  of  his  commander  or  to  reject  it.     He  confirmed  it, 
and  the  army  and  its  officers  were  liberated. 

5.  The  president  solemnly  pledged  himself  to  use  his  influ 
ence  with  his  government  to  ratify  the  treaty ;  but  he  violated 
his  promises,  and  by  his  government  it  was  denounced  and 
proclaimed  as  void,  because,  as  was  falsely  alleged,  it  was 
extorted  from  their  president  while  prisoner  of  war.f 

On  the  part  of  Texas,  all  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  were 
honorably  fulfilled.  The  lives  of  the  prisoners  wrere  saved,  and 

*  Vattel  says,  "  The  same  power  who  has  the  right  of  making 
war,  of  determining  on  it,  of  declaring  it,  and  of  directing  its  oper 
ations,  has  naturally  that  likewise  of  making  and  concluding  a  treaty 
of  peace." 

t  In  his  despatch  to  the  government  ad  interim,  dated  June  10, 
1836,  General  Filisola,  who  was  never  a  prisoner,  says,  — 

"  His  excellency,  (Santa  Anna,)  in  my  humble  opinion,  in  the  trea 
ties  agreed  upon,  and  that  I  had  the  honor  to  send  to  your  excellency, 
acted  with  entire  liberty,  and  nothing  more  in  view  than  the  interest 
of  his  country." 

Santa  Anna,  in  his  letter  of  July  4,  1836,  says,  — 

"  When  I  offered  to  treat  with  this  government,  (Texas,)  I  was 
convinced  that  it  was  useless  for  Mexico  to  continue  the  war.  I 
have  acquired  exact  information  respecting  the  country,  which  I  did 
not  possess  four  months  ago.  I  have  too  much  zeal  for  the  interests 
of  my  country  to  wish  for  any  thing  which  is  not  compatible  with 
them.  Being  always  ready  to  sacrifice  myself  for  its  glory  and  ad 
vantage,  I  never  would  have  hesitated  to  subject  myself  to  torments 
of  death,  rather  than  consent  to  any  compromise,  if  Mexico  could 
thereby  obtain  the  slightest  benefit.  I  am  firmly  convinced  that  it 
is  proper  to  terminate  this  question  by  political  negotiation." 

See  the  very  able  speech  of  Senator  Johnson,  (H.  V.,)  delivered  in 
the  TJ.  S.  Senate,  January,  1848. 


120  THE  TREATY  OF  SANTA  ANNA. 

their  persons  liberated.  All  property  taken  was  returned,  and 
the  Mexican  army,  unmolested,  marched  with  its  effects  be 
yond  the  Rio  Grande. 

The  end  of  law  is  justice  between  men,  and  between  nations. 
The  rights  of  nations  are  defined  by  law  or  by  treaty.  Both  law 
and  treaty  are  sustained  by  power.  The  law  of  the  strongest 
is  executed.  Our  views  as  to  what  constitutes  the  strength  of 
a  nation  the  reader  will  find  in  other  chapters  of  this  work. 
The  object  of  treaties  is  to  supersede  the  frequent  exercise  of 
power  in  the  adjustment  of  undefined  rights,  by  embracing 
conditions  applicable  to  the  positive  and  probable  wants  and 
interests  of  the  high  contracting  parties. 

As  the  peace  of  nations  is  preserved  or  disturbed  according 
to  the  good  or  bad  faith  in  which  treaties  are  observed,  they 
cannot  be  too  solemnly  regarded.  Attempted  fraud  in  a  treaty 
should  be  met  with  universal  reprobation.  Its  condemnation 
and  consequent  penalties  should  be  commensurate  with  the 
great  evils  which  it  is  calculated  to  produce,  if  successful.  It 
would  be  a  dangerous  incitement  to  lessen  the  serious  impor 
tance  of  national  compacts.  Such  compacts  should  be  held 
as  sacred  as  the  flag  of  truce,  riot  to  be  counterfeited  or 
violated  with  impunity. 

In  this  case,  a  counterfeit  treaty  was  attempted  by  the  presi 
dent  of  Mexico  and  imposed  upon  Texas.  It  was  honorable  on 
the  part  of  Texas,  false  on  the  part  of  Mexico. 

If  Mexico  deemed  it  just  to  renounce  the  treaty,  her  power 
should  have  reached  the  treason  that  sanctioned  it.  Its  authors 
should  have  been  tried  as  traitors,  or  returned  to  the  confine 
ment  from  which  its  conditions  had  freed  them.  The  army 
of  Mexico  should  have  been  marched  back  to  Texas,  to  be  re- 
surrendered  to  those  who  had  been  made  the  subjects  of  the 
treachery.  It  is  a  safer  precedent  to  sanction  such  a  treaty, 
under  the  circumstances,  than  to  sanction  its  violation  in  the 
principal  officers  of  the  nation.  It  would  indeed  be  a  precedent 
of  the  most  dangerous  tendency. 

If  Mexico  rejected  the  acts  of  her  president,  which  involved 


THE    TREATY    OF    SANTA   ANNA.  121 

the  safety  of  her  army,  there  is  no  good  reason  why  it  should 
be  done  at  the  expense  of  Texas. 

It  was  eminently  a  treaty  on  the  side  of  humanity.  Mexico 
had  murdered,  by  the  orders  of  her  government,  the  soldiers 
of  Texas  who  had  surrendered  as  prisoners  of  war ;  and  what 
would  have  been  the  measure  of  retaliation  in  this  case,  it  is 
difficult  to  say.  It  unquestionably  prevented  much  bloodshed 
and  suffering.  It  may  have  saved  the  Mexican  army  and  the 
chief  magistrate  of  the  Mexican  nation  from  slaughter ;  and 
shall  it  now  be  tolerated,  either  in  theory  or  practice,  that  Mex 
ico  may  gather  her  strength  to  massacre  the  Texans,  at  whose 
hands  they  were  permitted  to  live  ?  Shall  Texas  surrender 
the  only  considerations  which  Mexico  gave,  and  which  would 
have  been  ratified  by  the  Mexican  government,  if  Santa  Anna 
and  his  troops  had  been  held  as  securities  ?  or  if  Santa  Anna 
and  his  officers  had  demanded  it  as  necessary  to  their  honor 
and  integrity  ?  Never.  To  admit  such  a  principle  is  against 
the  best  good  of  civilized  nations  ;  to  sanction  it,  an  outrage 
upon  humanity. 

If  Mexico  was  false  to  the  treaty,  Texas  could  be  true  to 
herself.  The  same  power  that  compelled  terms  was  able  to 
defend  them.*  The  same  power  that  humbled  Santa  Anna 
was  able  to  punish  his  perfidy.  Texas  had  her  boundary  lines 
marked  by  the  best  blood  of  her  citizens,  and  her  energy  was 
equal  to  her  wants  in  the  defence  of  her  rights  against 
Mexico. 

Let  us  examine  how  this  subject  was  viewed  by  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States.  It  is  with  the  sentiment  of  proud 

*  Mr.  Pillsbury,  member  of  U.  S.  Congress,  1847,  and  long  a  resi 
dent  of  Texas,  in  a  speech  before  the  house,  says,  — 

"  That  all  attempts  at  maintaining  Mexican  posts  cast  of  the  Rio 
Grande  had  been  frustrated  by  the  Texans,  and  the  Mexicans  driven 
west  of  the  Rio  Grande.  No  Mexican  forces  could  maintain  them 
selves,  as  was  frequently  attempted  ;  all  Texas  would  have  rushed  to 
arms  to  drive  them  back." 

See  the  excellent  speech  of  the  Hon.  Mr.  Norris,  delivered  before 
the  house  in  February,  1847. 
11 


122    PRECAUTIONARY  ACTS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

satisfaction  that  we  find  our  government,  in  respect  to  this 
matter,  consistent  from  the  beginning.  Right  at  first,  and 
right  to  the  last.  The  boundary  of  Texas  was  taken  as  de 
clared  by  that  nation,  and  protected  accordingly.  Nothing 
else  was  proposed,  nothing  else  would  have  been  approved,  by 
Texas.  When  annexation  had  been  accomplished,  orders  were 
given  amply  to  meet  the  case.  Our  government  had  no  dis 
cretion  to  exercise.  Its  duty  had  been  marked  by  lines  that 
could  not  be  erased  or  altered,  —  it  was  imperative.  Where 
but  to  the  frontiers  of  a  country  should  troops  be  ordered  to 
protect  its  territory  and  to  repel  an  invasion  ?  Should  posses 
sion  be  given  that  it  might  be  regained  ?  Should  outrages  be 
permitted  that  they  might  be  avenged  ?  Should  life  be  ex 
posed  that  it  might  realize  the  privileges  of  escape  ?  Should 
advantages  be  allowed  to  be  seized  that  might  compromise  our 
rights  ?  Should  our  general  government  assume  to  act  for 
Texas,  and  to  disregard  her  sovereignty  by  recognizing  new 
boundaries  ?  No  such  policy  was  conceived.  No  such  policy 
was  executed.  No  such  policy  would  have  been  sustained  by 
the  people  of  our  country.*  Let  us  examine  the  record,  and 
see  what  were 


THE    PRECAUTIONARY    ACTS    OF    THE    UNITED     STATES    GOVERN 
MENT. 

The  president  of  the  United  States,  in  his  message  of  Decem 
ber,  1845,  says, — 

"  The  moment  the  terms  of  annexation  offered  by  the 
United  States  were  accepted  by  Texas,  the  latter  became  so 
far  a  part  of  our  country,  as  to  make  it  our  duty  to  afford  such 

*  We  are  happy  to  find  that  these  positions  are  ably  sustained  by 
a  distinguished  jurist  of  the  TJ.  S.  Senate,  the  Hon.  Roverdy  Johnson, 
of  Maryland.  In  some  of  his  exceptions  to  the  defence  of  the  admin 
istration,  however,  as  corollaries  from  his  own  premises,  we  have 
a  striking  example  of  how  a  logician  may  be  lost  in  the  politician. 
His  truths  master  his  politics. 


OCCUPATION    OF    THE    RIO    GRANDE    ADVISED.  123 

protection  and  defence,"  (against  invasion.)  "  I  therefore 
deemed  it  proper,  as  a  precautionary  measure,  to  order  a  strong 
squadron  to  the  coasts  of  Mexico,  and  to  concentrate  a  suffi 
cient  military  force  on  the  western  frontier  of  Texas.  Our 
army  was  ordered  to  take  position  in  the  country  between  the 
Nueces  and  the  Rio  del  Norte,  and  to  repel  any  invasion  of 
the  Texan  territory  which  might  be  attempted  by  the  Mexican 
forces." 

OCCUPATION    ON    THE    RIO    GRANDE    ADVISED    BY    MR.  DONELSON. 

Mr.  Donelson  to  Mr,  Buchanan,  May  11,  1845. 
"  It  may  be  considered  as  certain  the  Congress  of  Texas, 
soon  after  the  assemblage  of  the  16th  of  June,  will  accept  our 
proposals,  and  call  a  convention  for  the  purpose  of  carrying 
them  into  effect.  Of  course,  if  war  be  declared  against  us, 
Texas  will  be  its  theatre,  and  the  earlier  we  are  in  possession 
of  the  commanding  points  on  the  Rio  Grande,  the  sooner  we 
shall  be  able  to  bring  it  to  a  close." 


TROOPS    REQUESTED    FOR    THE    PROTECTION    OF    TEXAS. 
Mr.  Donelson  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  May  24,   1845. 

"  As  soon  as  the  Texan  government  accepts  our  proposals, 
it  will  be  proper,  in  compliance  with  the  request  already  com 
municated  to  you,  to  send  our  troops  to  the  frontier." 

SOLICITUDE    OF    TEXAS    WITH    REGARD    TO    MEANS    OF    DEFENCE. 
Mr.  Allen  to  Mr.  Donelson,  May   19,  1845. 

"  The  undersigned  deems  it  his  duty  respectfully  to 
inquire  of  Mr.  Donelson,  whether,  under  such  circumstances, 
(of  threatened  invasion,)  calculated  to  excite  the  reasonable 
apprehensions  of  the  people  of  Texas,  and  especially  to  dis 
turb  the  tranquillity  of  the  settlements  along  her  western  fron 
tiers,  it  would  not  be  alike  proper  and  consistent  for  the  United 
States  to  extend  its  protection  to  this  people." 


124      THE  EIO  GRANDE  THE  BOUNDARY  OF  TEXAS. 


DEFENCE  OF  TEXAS  ORDERED  BY  THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES. 

Secretary  of  War  to  General  Taylor,  May  28,  1845. 

"  Should  the  territories  of  Texas  be  invaded  by  a  foreign 
power,  and  you  shall  receive  certain  intelligence  through  her 
functionaries  of  the  fact,  after  her  convention  shall  have 
acceded  to  the  terms  of  annexation  contained  in  the  resolu 
tion  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  you  will  at  once 
employ,  in  the  most  effective  manner  your  judgment  may 
dictate,  the  forces  under  your  command,  for  the  defence  of 
these  territories,  and  to  expel  the  invaders." 

Here  was  an  order  to  General  Taylor  "  to  expel  the  inva 
ders"  if  notified  to  do  so  by  the  "functionaries  "  of  Texas. 
We  need  not  add,  that  if  the  Mexican  troops  had  crossed  the 
Rio  Grande,  the  notice  would  have  been  given,  and  General 
Taylor  would  have  executed  the  order. 

POSTS    SUGGESTED    ON    THE    RIO    GRANDE. 
Mr.  Donelson  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  June  2,  1845. 

"  It  is  believed  that  Mexico  is  concentrating  troops  on  the 
Rio  Grande,  where  Texas  has  as  yet  established  no  posts.  If 
this  be  so,  it  is  possible  that  Texas  may  send  a  force  there  to 
remove  intruders.  But  such  a  movement,  if  made,  will  be 
independent  of  the  United  States." 

This  shows  the  determination  of  Texas,  that  she  was  unwil 
ling  to  leave  her  boundary  unprotected,  if  threatened,  even  for 
a  few  days,  or  until  the  act  of  annexation  should  be  accom 
plished. 

THE    RIO    GRANDE    RECOGNIZED    AS    THE    BOUNDARY    OF    TEXAS. 

Mr.  Bancroft,  acting  Secretary  of  War,  to  General  Taylor, 
June  15,   1845. 

"  The  point  of  your  ultimate  destination  is  the  western 
frontier  of  Texas,  where  you  will  select  and  occupy,  on  or 


POSTS    ON    THE    RIO    GRANDE    ADVISED    BY   TEXAS.         125 

near  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte,  such  a  site  as  will  consist 
with  the  health  of  the  troops,  and  will  be  best  adapted  to  repel 
invasion,  and  to  protect,  in  the  event  of  annexation,  what  will 
be  our  western  border." 

Mr.  Donelson  to  Captain  Stockton,  June  22,  1845. 

"  Your  cooperation  with  our  land  troops  I  should  think 
sufficient,  (in  case  of  war  with  Mexico,)  without  much  aid 
from  Texas  herself,  to  drive  the  Mexican  arms  west  of  the 
Rio  Grande." 

THE    RIO   GRANDE    QUESTION    ANTICIPATED. 
Mr.  Donelson  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  June  23,  1845. 

"  It  is  the  policy  of  those  who  are  on  the  side  of  Mexico  in 
the  present  crisis  to  throw  upon  the  United  States  the  respon 
sibility  of  a  war  for  the  country  between  the  Nueces  and  the 
Rio  Grande.  That  territory,  you  are  aware,  has  been  in 
possession  of  both  parties." 

Regarding  this  point,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  dated 
July  11,  1845,  Mr.  Donelson  says,  — 

"  Texas  has  at  pleasure  taken  possession  of  her  posts  there, 
and  has  only  suspended  jurisdiction  because  it  was  inconve 
nient  to  maintain  it,  and  because  she  knew  that  in  a  short 
period  her  resumption  of  it  would  be  acquiesced  in  by  the 
inhabitants,  if  they  were  assured  of  protection." 

POSTS    ON    THE    RIO    GRANDE    ADVISED    BY    TEXAS. 
Mr.  Allen  to  Mr.  Donelson,  June   26,   1845. .  jg^-y, 

"The  undersigned  would  suggest  to  Mr.  Donelson  the 
propriety  and  NECESSITY  of  an  immediate  introduction  of  the 
troops  referred  to,  (U.  S.,)  and  that  they  proceed  at  once  to 
occupy  positions  upon  the  Rio  Grande,  and  at  other  points  of 
the  frontier,  without  waiting  for  the  action  of  the  convention 
relative  to  the  measure  of  annexation." 


126  PROTECTION.  TO   TEXAS    BY    OUR    GOVERNMENT. 

PRUDENTIAL  SUGGESTIONS  WITH  REGARD    TO   THE  USE   OF    FORCE. 
Mr.  Donelson  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  July  6,   1845. 

"  You  are  already  advised  of  my  letter  to  General  Taylor 
of  the  28th  ultimo,  in  which  I  leave  the  question  of  marching 
to  the  Rio  Grande  to  be  decided  by  developments  yet  to  be 
made.  If  Mexico  passes  that  stream,  menacing  Texas,  or 
otherwise  threatening  to  disturb  the  territory  of  Texas,  as  it 
stood  when  our  joint  resolution  passed,  our  right  to  repel  her 
commences,  and  we  may  force  her  to  retire  west  of  the  Rio 
Grande." 

Mr.  Donelson  to  General  Taylor,  July  7,  1845. 

"In  this  event  (of  war)  a  bold  movement  on  the  Rio 
Grande  would  be  justified  as  the  one  best  calculated  to  give 
general  security  to  the  frontier  of  Texas,  and  take  from  the 
enemy  his  power  to  injure  us." 

IF    PEACE    MEASURES    FAIL,    WAR   JUSTIFIABLE. 
Mr.  Donelson  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  July  11,   1845. 

"If  Mexico  undertakes  the  invasion,  &c.,  Texas  would 
have  the  immediate  right,  and  so  will  the  United  States,  to 
repel  the  invasion ;  and  in  doing  so,  Mexico  may  be  disarmed 
by  the  occupation  of  the  Rio  Grande  by  our  troops,"  &c. 

ENTIRE    PROTECTION    TO    TEXAS    ENFORCED    BY   THE    UNITED 
STATES    GOVERNMENT. 

Secretary  of  War  to  General  Taylor,  July  30,   1845. 

"  While  avoiding,  as  you  have  been  instructed  to  do,  all 
aggressive  measures  towards  Mexico,  as  long  as  the  relations 
of  peace  exist  between  that  Republic  and  the  United  States, 
you  are  expected  to  occupy,  protect,  and  defend  the  territory 
of  Texas  to  the  extent  that  it  has  been  occupied  by  the  people 
of  Texas.  The  Rio  Grande  is  claimed  to  be  the  boundary 


FRONTIER    POSTS    TO    BE    ESTABLISHED.  127 

between  the  two  countries,  and  up  to  this  boundary  you  ;ire  to 
extend  your  protection,"  &c. 

MEXICANS    TO    BE     DRIVEN    BEYOND   THE    RIO    GRANDE     IN     CASE 

OF     INVASION. 
Mr.  Donelson  to  Mr.  Allen,  August  5,  18-15. 

"  If,  however,  contraiy  to  present  appearances,  this  invasion 
should  be  made  by  a  larger  force  than  would  be  prudent  for 
the  present  United  States  troops  to  repel  alone,  the  undersigned 
doubts  not  that  the  patriotism  of  the  president  of  Texas  will 
call  into  the  field  such  additional  aid  from  the  Texas  militia  as 
will  at  once  drive  the  Mexicans  beyond  the  Rio  Grande,  and 
give  security  to  the  frontier.1" 

FRONTIER  POSTS  TO  BE  ESTABLISHED  BY  GENERAL  TAYLOR, 

AIDED   BY    TEXAS. 
General  Taylor  to  Anson  Jones,  President  of  Texas,  August  16,  1845. 

<c  When  our  relations  with  Mexico,  and  the  state  of  the  ser 
vice  in  this  quarter,  shall  permit  my  absence,  I  will  take  great 
pleasure  in  proceeding  to  the  seat  of  government,  and  confer 
ring  with  you  personally  in  relation  to  the  proper  dispositions  to 
be  made  for  the  permanent  occupation  of  the  frontier." 

VIGILANCE    OF    GENERAL     TAYLOR    IN     PROTECTING    THE     BOUND 
ARY    TO    THE    RIO    GRANDE. 
General  Taylor  to  Adjutant- General  Jones,  August  20,  1845. 

u  I  still  deem  it  my  duty  to  look  to  the  possibility  of  such  an 
event,  (crossing  of  the  Rio  Grande  by  the  Mexican  troops,)  and 
to  prepare  for  a  forward  movement,  should  circumstances 
require  it." 

CROSSING    OF     THE     RIO     GRANDE    BY    THE     MEXICANS     TO     BE 
CONSIDERED    AS    THE    COMMENCEMENT    OF    HOSTILITIES. 

Secretary  of  War  to  General  Taylor,  August  23, 1845. 

u  Should  Mexico  declare  war,  or  commence  hostilities  by 
crossing  the  Rio  Grande  with  a  considerable  force,  you  are 


128      SOLICITUDE    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES    GOVERNMENT. 

instructed  to  lose  no  time  in  giving  information  to  the  authorities 
of  each  or  any  of  the  above-mentioned  States,  as  to  the  num 
ber  of  volunteers  you  may  want  from  them  respectively." 

*  *     *     "  Such  a  movement  (crossing  the  Rio  Grande  by 
the  Mexicans)  must  be  regarded  as  an  invasion  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  commencement  of  hostilities." 

In  a  letter  from  Adjutant-General  Jones  to  General  Taylor, 
dated  August  26,  1845,  he  requests  him  to  "  keep  the  depart 
ment  advised  of  the  state  of  the  service  on  the  Texan  frontiers." 
An  inspection  of  General  Taylor's  letters  subsequent  to  this 
order  will  show  how  strictly  he  conformed  to  its  requisitions. 
In  almost  every  letter  before  the  commencement  of  hostilities, 
he  speaks  of  news,  or  the  want  of  news,  from  the  Rio 
Grande. 

SOLICITUDE    OF    THE    U.    S.    GOVERNMENT    THAT    TEXAS       SHOULD 

BE    PROTECTED    TO    THE    RIO    GRANDE. 
Secretary  of  War  to  General  Taylor,  August  30,  1845. 

"  Instructions  heretofore  issued  enjoin  upon  you  to  defend 
Texas  from  invasion  and  Indian  hostilities  ;  and,  should  Mex 
ico  invade  it,  you  will  employ  all  your  forces  to  repulse  the 
invaders,  and  drive  all  Mexican  troops  beyond  the  Rio  Grande." 

*  *     *     "  An  attempt  to  cross  that  river  (Rio  Grande)  with 
such   a    (large)    force   will  also  be   considered  in   the  same 
light,"  (as  the  commencement  of  hostilities.) 

NO  BOUNDARY  THOUGHT  OF  BY  GENERAL  TAYLOR  BUT  THE  RIO 
GRANDE. 

General   Taylor  to  Adjutant- General  Jones,  September   14,  1845. 

"  The  commander  of  the  rangers  at  San  Antonio,  Major 
Hays,  has  reputation  as  a  partisan,  and  to  him  I  have  specially 
intrusted  the  duty  of  keeping  me  advised  of  any  movements 
on  the  Rio  Grande." 


LETTER  OF  ADVICE  OF  GENERAL  TAYLOR.        129 


LETTER  OF  ADVICE  OF  GENERAL  TAYLOR  TO  ADVANCE  TO  THE 

RIO     GRANDE. 
General  Taylor  to  Adjutant-  General  Jones,  October  4,  1845. 

''It  is  with  great  deference  that  I  make  any  suggestions  on 
topics  which  may  become  matter  of  delicate  negotiation; 
but  if  our  government,  in  settling  the  question  of  boundary, 
makes  the  line  of  the  Rio  Grande  an  ultimatum,  I  cannot 
doubt  that  the  settlement  will  be  greatly  facilitated  and  has 
tened  by  our  taking  possession  at  once  of  one  or  two  suitable 
points  on  or  quite  near  that  river.  Our  strength  and  state  of 
preparations  should  be  displayed  in  a  manner  not  to  be  mis 
taken.  However  salutary  may  be  the  effect  upon  the  border 
people  by  our  presence  here,  we  are  too  far  from  the  frontier 
to  impress  the  government  of  Mexico  with  our  readiness  to 
vindicate,  by  force  of  arms  if  necessary,  our  title  to  the  coun 
try  as  far  as  the  Rio  Grande." 

This  advice  of  General  Taylor  proceeded  from  no  new 
manifestations  on  the  part  of  Mexico,  for,  in  the  same  letter  he 
says,  that  Mexico  had  committed  "  no  overt  act  of  hostilities  ; " 
and  that  he  "  does  not  conceive  that  it  will  become  necessary, 
under  any  circumstances,  to  call  for  volunteers  from  the  United 
States"  Indications,  indeed,  appeared  to  be  favorable  to 
peace,  but  peace  without  promptitude.  Although  the  advice 
was  characterized  by  good  judgment,  and  was  in  confirmation 
of  its  own  views,  still,  the  government  was  slow  to  adopt  it. 
It  was  made  in  ignorance  of  the  mission  of  Mr.  Slidell,  and 
wholly  with  the  view  to  move  the  government  of  Mexico  to 
prompt  and  decisive  action.  It  is  certainly  not  a  little  remark 
able,  that,  when  it  was  adopted  by  the  government  of  the 
United  States,  —  more  than  three  months  afterwards,  —  it  was 
adopted  with  similar  motives. 

"  On  the  5th  of  November,  General  Taylor  received  a  let 
ter  from  Commodore  Conner,  from  which  we  make  the  follow 
ing  extract.  It  was  dated,  off  Vera  Cruz,  October  24,  1845. 

"  I  hasten  to  inform  you  that  the   Mexican  government  has 


130       LETTER  OF  ADVICE  OF  GENERAL  TAYLOR. 

accepted  the  proposal  made  by  that  of  our  country,  to  arrange 
the  existing  difficulties  by  negotiation.  I  deem  it  advisable  you 
should  be  thus  early  apprised  of  this  change  in  the  state  of  our 
relations." 

This  information,  communicated  by  Commodore  Conner,  led 
General  Taylor  very  properly  to  make  what  might  be  termed, 
not  a  modification,  but  a  suggestive  modification,  of  his  advice, 
under  date  of  October  4  ;  that  is,  he  submitted  his  views,  to  be 
qualified  as  circumstances  might  require.  He  was  evidently  of 
the  opinion,  however,  that  a  forward  march  movement  was  the 
true  one,  as  promising  the  best  results  ;  still,  he  was  willing  to 
wait,  PROVIDED  Mexico  did  not  show  a  disposition  to  protract 
negotiations  unreasonably.  That  he  had  but  little  confidence  in 
negotiation,  and  that  he  was  looking  to  the  execution  of  future 
duties  to  Texas,  may  be  inferred  from  the  whole  language  of 
his  modification,  and  from  the  fact  which  he  reports  in  the 
same  letter,  "  that  reconnoisances  are  almost  constantly  in  the 
field"  and,  as  he  says  in  his  previous  letter,  (October  4,)  in 
the  direction  of  the  Rio  Grande. 

The  good  sense  of  General  Taylor  with  regard  to  position  was 
in  perfect  harmony  with  the  views  of  his  government.  Our 
rights  were  to  be  protected  with  firmness,  but  with  all  possible 
delicacy  towards  a  weaker  Republic.  General  Taylor  was 
not  only  in  favor  of  prompt  action,  but  he  advised  and  expected 
it.  In  the  letter  which  we  are  noticing,  (November  7,)  he 
says,  "  On  the  hypothesis  of  an  early  adjustment  of  the  boun 
dary,  and  the  consequent  establishment  of  permanent  frontier 
posts,  I  cannot  urge  too  strongly  upon  the  government  the 
necessity  of  occupying  those  posts  before  the  warm  weather 
shall  set  in." 

The  modification  of  his  letter  of  October  4,  is  given  in  the 
following  extract :  — 

"  The  intelligence  from  Mexico,  however,  tends  to  modify, 
in  some  degree,  the  views  expressed  in  that  communication. 
The  position  now  occupied  by  the  troops  may,  perhaps,  be  the 
best  while  negotiations  are  pending,  or,  at  any  rate,  until  a 


DISCRETIONARY    POWER   GIVEN    TO    GEN.  TAYLOR.          131 

disposition  shall  be  manifested  by  Mexico  to  protract  them  un 
reasonably.  Under  the  supposition  that  such  may  be  the  view 
of  the  department,  I  shall  make  no  movement  from  this  point, 
except  for  the  purpose  of  examining  the  country,  until  further 
instructions  are  received." 

Frequent  allusions  have  been  made  to  these  letters  for  party 
purposes,  as  if  harmony  was  an  evidence  of  discord.  Coin 
cidence  of  opinion,  not  of  contrariety,  is  evidence  of  good 
judgment.  It  must  be  gratifying  both  to  General  Taylor  and  to 
the  government,  that,  in  a  policy  which  has  been  so  much 
questioned  from  party  motives,  there  was  unanimity  of  opinion 
and  harmony  of  action.  Both  acted  from  similar  motives,  and 
both  were  right. 

DISCRETIONARY     POWER     GIVEN     TO     GENERAL     TAYLOR    BY    HIS 

GOVERNMENT. 
Secretary  of  War  to  General  Taylor,  October  16,  1845. 

"  The  information  which  we  have  here  renders  it  probable 
that  no  serious  attempts  will  at  present  be  made  by  Mexico  to 
invade  Texas,  although  she  continues  to  threaten  incursions. 
Previous  instructions  will  have  put  you  in  possession  of  the 
views  of  the  government  of  the  United  States,  not  only  as  to 
the  extent  of  its  territorial  claims,  but  of  its  determination  to 
assert  them.  In  carrying  out  these  instructions,  you  will  be 
left  very  much  to  your  own  judgment,  by  reason  of  your  supe 
rior  knowledge  of  localities,  and  the  earlier  notice  you  may 
receive  of  the  probable  views  of  Mexico  and  the  movement 
of  her  troops." 

The  letter  of  Mr.  Slidell,  of  December  17,  to  Mr.  Buchanan, 
was  received  at  the  state  department  on  the  12th  of  January. 
This  letter  furnished  so  much  evidence  of  a  disposition  to 
trifle,  on  the  part  of  Mexico,  and,  taken  in  connection  with 
views  previously  adopted  and  the  advice  of  General  Taylor, 
determined  the  government  of  the  United  States  upon  decisive 
measures,  and  the  following  order  was  given. 


132  GENERAL    TAYLOR    ORDERED    TO   ADVANCE. 

GENERAL  TAYLOR  ORDERED  TO  ADVANCE  TO  THE  RIO  GRANDE. 
Secretary  of  War  to  General  Taylor,  January  13,  1846. 

"  I  am  directed  by  the  president  to  instruct  you  to  advance 
and  occupy,  with  the  troops  under  your  command,  positions  on 
or  near  the  east  bank  of  the  Rio  del  Norte,  as  soon  as  it  can 
be  conveniently  done  with  reference  to  the  season  and  the 
routes  by  which  your  movements  must  be  made. 

"  It  is  not  designed,  in  our  present  relation  with  Mexico, 
that  you  should  treat  her  as  an  enemy." 

Nothing  but  the  spirit  of  peace  and  of  courtesy  prevented 
this  movement  before.  Without  any  regard  to  boundary  ques 
tions,  our  government  was  very  reluctant  to  sanction  any 
military  movements,  not  absolutely  necessary,  which  might 
excite  Mexico  to  commit  further  acts  of  imprudence.  In  the 
letter  of  the  secretary  of  state  to  Mr.  Slidell,  under  date  of 
January  20,  this  order  is  alluded  to,  and  its  necessity  explained. 
We  recommend  to  the  reader  a  perusal  of  the  entire  letter. 
Mr.  Buchanan  says,  — 

"  In  the  mean  time,  the  president,  in  anticipation  of  the  final 
refusal  of  the  Mexican  government  to  receive  you,  has  ordered 
the  army  of  Texas  to  advance  and  take  position  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  ;  and  has  directed  that  a  strong  fleet 
shall  be  immediately  assembled  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  He 
will  thus  be  prepared  to  act  with  vigor  and  promptitude  the 
moment  that  Congress  shall  give  him  the  authority." 


OPINION  OF  GENERAL  TAYLOR,  COMMENDING  THE  ORDER  OF 
JANUARY  13. 

In  regard  to  this  order,  under  date  of  February  4,  1846, 
General  Taylor  says,  — 

"  Our  advance  to  the  Rio  Grande  will  itself  produce  a  pow 
erful  effect,  and  it  may  be  that  the  common  navigation  of  the 
river  will  not  be  disputed.  It  is  very  important  to  us,  and  will 


RIO    GRANDE    NOT    TO    BE    CROSSED.  133 

be  indispensable  when  posts  are  established  higher  up,  as  must 
ultimately  be  the  case" 

OPINION    OF    MR.    SLIDELL,    COMMENDING    THE    ORDER    OF 
JANUARY    13. 

In  a  letter  to  the  secretary,  of  state,  dated  February  17, 
1846,  Mr.  Slidell  says,  — 

"  The  advance  of  General  Taylor's  force  to  the  left  bank 
of  the  Rio  del  Norte,  and  the  strengthening  of  our  force  in  the 
Gulf,  are  wise  measures,  which  may  exercise  a  salutary  influ 
ence  upon  the  course  of  this  government." 

It  would  be  presumption  in  us  formally  to  sanction  an  act 
which  needs  no  defence  not  to  be  found  in  its  own  history. 
This  order  was  originated  in  no  new  policy  ;  it  had  been  long 
deferred,  and  it  was  now  considered  judicious  and  necessary 
by  all  who  had  the  best  means  of  knowing  the  exact  relations 
between  the  two  countries. 

GENERAL    TAYLOR   ANTICIPATES    NO    RESISTANCE    IN    HIS 

ADVANCE. 
General  Taylor  to  Adjutant- General  Jones,  Feb.  16,   1846. 

"  From  the  best  information  I  am  able  to  obtain,  and  which 
I  deem  as  authentic  as  any,  I  do  not  believe  that  our  advance 
to  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande  will  be  resisted.  The  army, 
however,  will  go  fully  prepared  for  a  state  of  hostilities,  should 
they  unfortunately  be  provoked  by  the  Mexicans." 

RIO    GRANDE    NOT  TO  BE    CROSSED    BY  AMERICAN  TROOPS  UNLESS 

ATTACKED. 
Gen.  Taylor  to  Adjutant- General  Jones,  "Corpus  Christi,  Feb.  26,  1846. 

"  I  have  taken  occasion  to  represent  to  some  citizens  of 
Matamoras,  who  were  here  with  a  large  number  of  mules  for 
sale,  and  who  are  represented  to  have  considerable  influ 
ence  at  home,  that  the  United  States  government,  in  occupy 
ing  the  Rio  Grande,  has  no  motive  of  hostility  towards  Mexico, 
12 


134  HOSTILITY    ON    THE    PART    OF    MEXICO. 

and  that  the  army  will,  in  no  case,  go  beyond  the  river,  unless 
hostilities  should  be  commenced  by  the  Mexicans  them 
selves,"  &c. 

DECIDED    HOSTILITY    ON    THE    PART    OF    THE    MEXICANS. 
Gen.   Taylor  to  Adjutant- General  Jones,  Point  Isabel,  March  25,  1846. 

In  this  despatch,  General  Taylor  says,  that  there  were  no 
incidents  in  the  march  of  the  army  to  Point  Isabel  worthy  of 
notice,  unless  the  following  examples  may  be  regarded  as  the 
first  evidence  of  open  hostility.  He  says, — 

"  While  on  my  way  hither,  our  column  was  approached  by 
a  party  on  its  right  flank,  bearing  a  white  flag.  It  proved  to 
be  a  civil  deputation  from  Matamoras,  desiring  an  interview 
with  me.  I  informed  them  that  I  would  halt  at  the  first  suita 
ble  place  on  the  road,  and  afford  them  the  desired  interview. 
It  was,  however,  found  necessary,  from  the  want  of  water,  to 
continue  the  route  to  this  place.  The  deputation  halted  while 
some  miles  from  Point  Isabel,  declining  to  come  further,  and 
sent  me  a  formal  protest  of  the  prefect  of  the  northern  district 
of  Tamaulipas,  against  our  occupation  of  the  country,  which 
I  enclose  herewith.  At  this  moment,  it  was  discovered  that 
the  buildings  at  Point  Isabel  were  in  flames.  I  then  informed 
the  bearer  of  the  protest  that  I  would  answer  it  when  opposite 
Matamoras,  and  dismissed  the  deputation.  I  considered  the 
conflagration  before  my  eyes  as  a  decided  evidence  of  hos 
tility,  and  was  not  willing  to  be  trifled  with  any  longer,  partic 
ularly  as  I  had  reason  to  believe  that  the  prefect,  in  making 
this  protest,  was  but  a  tool  of  the  military  authorities  at 
Matamoras." 

OCCUPATION    OF    THE    LEFT    BANK   OF    THE    RIO    GRANDE. 
General  Taylor  to  Adjutant- General  Jones,  March  29,  1846. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  report,  that  I  arrived  at  this  camp  yes 
terday,  with  forces  under  my  command,  no  resistance  hav 
ing  been  offered  to  my  advance  to  the  banks  of  the  river,  nor 


HOSTILE    ATTITUDE     OF     MEXICO.  135 

act  of  hostility  committed  by  the  Mexicans,  except  the  capture 
of  two  of  our  dragoons,  sent  forward  from  the  advanced 
guard.*  *  *  * 

"  Our  approach  seems  to  have  created  much  excitement  in 
Matamoras,  and  a  great  deal  of  activity  has  been  displayed 
since  our  arrival  in  the  preparation  of  batteries.  The  left 
bank  is  now  under  reconnoisance  of  our  engineer  officers,  and 
I  shall  lose  no  time  in  strengthening  our  position  by  such 
defensive  works  as  may  be  necessary,  employing  for  that 
purpose  a  portion  of  the  heavy  guns  brought  round  by  sea. 

"  The  attitude  of  the  Mexicans  is  so  far  decidedly  hostile. 
An  interview  has  been  held,  by  my  direction,  with  the  military 
authorities  of  Matamoras,  but  with  no  satisfactory  result." 

HOSTILE    ATTITUDE    OF    THE    MEXICANS BATTERY    ERECTED 

BY    GENERAL    TAYLOR. 
General  Taylor  to  Adjutant- General  Jones,  April  6,   1846. 

"  The  Mexicans  still  retain  a  hostile  attitude,  and  have 
thrown  up  some  works,  evidently  designed  to  prevent  us  from 
crossing  the  river.  *  *  * 

"  On  our  side,  a  battery  for  four  18-pounders  will  be  com 
pleted,  and  the  guns  placed  in  battery  to-day.  These  guns 
bear  directly  upon  the  public  square  of  Matamoras,  and  within 
good  range  for  demolishing  the  town.  Their  object  cannot  be 
mistaken,  and  will,  I  think,  effectually  restrain  him  from  any 
enterprise  upon  our  side  of  the  river.  A  bastioned  field-fort,  for 
a  garrison  of  five  hundred  men,  has  been  laid  out  by  engineers 
in  rear  of  the  battery,  and  will  be  commenced  immediately. 

"  I  respectfully  enclose  the  minutes  of  an  interview  held  on 
the  day  of  our  arrival,  between  General  Worth  and  General 
De  la  Vega,  the  second  in  command  in  Matamoras. f  I 
deemed  it  proper  and  respectful  to  announce  formally  the 
purpose  of  our  advance  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and  afford  an 
opportunity  to  establish  friendly  relations  if  practicable." 

*  These  dragoons  were  subsequently  returned,  on  application  of 
General  Taylor, 
f  See  Appendix  U. 


136  COMMENCEMENT    OF    HOSTILITIES    BY    MEXICO. 


GENERAL    TAYLOR    SUMMONED    BY   AMPUDIA    TO    WITHDRAW 

BEYOND    THE    NUECES. 
General  Taylor  to  Adjutant- General  Jones,  April  15,   1846. 

"  I  have  to  report  that  on  the  llth  instant,  General  Ampudia 
arrived  at  Matamoras  with  two  hundred  cavalry,  the  remainder 
of  his  force,  variously  estimated  from  two  thousand  to  three 
thousand  men,  being  some  distance  in  rear  on  route  from 
Monterey.  Immediately  after  assuming  the  chief  command, 
General  Ampudia  ordered  all  Americans  to  leave  Matamoras 
within  twenty-four  hours,  and  repair  to  Victoria,  a  town  in  the 
interior  of  Tamaulipas.  He  had  taken  the  same  severe  meas 
ure  at  Reinosa,  on  his  way  hither.  On  the  12th,  I  received 
from  General  Ampudia  a  despatch,  summoning  me  to  with 
draw  my  force  within  twenty-four  hours,  and  to  fall  back  be 
yond  the  river  Nueces.  To  his  communication  I  replied,  on 
the  12th,  saying  that  I  should  not  retrograde  from  my  position. 
Copies  of  this  correspondence  are  enclosed  herewith.*  I  con 
sidered  the  letter  of  General  Ampudia  sufficient  to  warrant 
me  in  blocking  up  the  Rio  Grande,  and  stopping  all  supplies 
for  Matamoras  ;  orders  for  which  have  been  given  to  the  naval 
commander  at  Brasos  Santiago." 

COMMENCEMENT    OF    HOSTILITIES    BY    MEXICO. 
General  Taylor  to  Adjutant- General   Jones,  April  26,  1846. 

"  I  regret  to  report  that  a  party  of  dragoons,  sent  out  by  me 
on  the  24th  instant,  to  watch  the  course  of  the  river  above  on 
this  bank,  became  engaged  with  a  very  large  force  of  the 
enemy,  and,  after  a  short  affair,  in  which  some  sixteen  were 
killed  and  wounded,  appear  to  have  been  surrounded  and 
compelled  to  surrender.  Not  one  of  the  party  has  returned, 
except  a  wounded  man  sent  in  this  morning  by  the  Mexican 
commander,  so  that  I  cannot  report  with  confidence  the  par- 

*  See  Appendix  V. 


COMMENCEMENT    OF    HOSTILITIES    BY    MEXICO.  137 

ticulars  of  the  engagement,  or  the  fate  of  the  officers,  except 
that  Captain  Hardee  was  known  to  be  a  prisoner,  and  unhurt. 
The  party  was  sixty-three  strong. 

u  Hostilities  may  now  be  considered  as  commenced,  and  I 
have  this  day  deemed  it  necessary  to  call  upon  the  govern 
ment  of  Texas  for  four  regiments  of  volunteers,  two  to  be 
mounted  and  two  to  serve  on  foot.  As  some  delay  must  occur 
in  collecting  these  troops,  I  have  also  desired  the  governor  of 
Louisiana  to  send  out  four  regiments  of  infantry  as  soon  as 
practicable.  This  will  constitute  an  auxiliary  force  of  nearly 
five  thousand  men,  which  will  be  required  to  prosecute  the  war 
with  energy,  and  carry  it,  as  it  SHOULD  BE  into  the  enemy's 
country." 

Thus  we  have  seen  that  the  course  of  our  government  with 
respect  to  the  boundary  question  has  been  consistent  from  the 
period  of  the  annexation  of  Texas,  even  to  the  time  of  the 
first  act  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  Mexico,  of  which  Congress 
was  immediately  notified  by  the  president  of  the  United  States. 
In  a  special  message,  May  11,  1846,  he  says,  — 

"  As  war  exists,  and,  notwithstanding  our  efforts  to  avoid  it, 
exists  by  the  act  of  Mexico  herself,  we  are  called  upon  by 
every  consideration  of  duty  and  patriotism,  to  vindicate  with 
decision,  the  honor,  the  rights,  and  the  interests  of  our 
country."* 

*  When  the  sum  of  $10,000,000,  and  an  army  of  50,000  men,  were 
authorized  by  almost  an  unanimous  vote  of  Congress,  (only  14  voting 
in  the  negative,)  not  a  word  was  said  about  the  march  to  the  llio 
Grande.  The  question  was  one  of  fact  with  regard  to  the  commence 
ment  of  hostilities.  The  objections  to  that  bill  were  confined  to  the 
preamble  —  which  declared  that  war  existed  by  the  act  of  Mexico.  In 
a  speech  delivered  in  the  U.  S.  Senate,  February,  1848,  by  Mr.  Tur- 
ney,  he  says,  "  A  motion  was  made  to  strike  out  the  preamble,  and 
reasons  were  assigned  for  striking  it  out,  but  no  such  reason  as  that  we 
had  invaded  the  Mexican  territory.  Far  from  it,  as  I  will  be  able  to 
show,  conclusively,  from  the  documents.  The  reason  assigned  was, 
the  uncertainty  as  to  the  fact  whether  war  did,  in  point  of  fact, 
exist." 

The  objections  to  the  preamble  were  singular  and  extraordinary. 
12* 


138  COMMENCEMENT    OF    HOSTILITIES    BY    MEXICO. 

Both  nations  professed  peace  and  protested  against  all 
motives  leading  to  hostility.  Let  facts  determine  which  was 
sincere  in  its  professions.  We  have  seen  with  what  justice 
the  boundary  to  the  Rio  Grande  was  claimed  by  Texas,  and 
that  no  alternative  was  left  to  the  United  States  but  to  defend 
that  boundary.  Mexico  refused  to  negotiate.  Although  she 
claimed  title  to  ALL  TEXAS,  she  was  committed  to  acts  of  hos 
tility,  and  was  ready  to  commence  war,  in  relation  to  a  ques 
tion  of  boundary  !  She  claimed  the  whole,  but  she  preferred 
war  to  negotiation,  to  settle  her  title  even  to  a  part. 

We  should  do  the  public  injustice,  if  we  were  to  give  our 
views  upon  this  portion  of  the  subject  to  the  exclusion  of  those 
of  General  Taylor,  in  his  able  communication,  in  reply  to 
General  Ampudia,  which  we  insert  in  the  Appendix.*  In  this, 
the  true  merits  of  both  parties  are  clearly  and  briefly  stated. 
The  spirit  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  Mexico  is  contrasted  with 
the  pacific  measures  of  the  United  States.  The  assertion  of 
the  president,  that  "  war  exists  by  the  act  of  Mexico,"  is  a 
truth  so  fully  confirmed  by  history  that  he  who  doubts  is 
doomed  to  a  record  that  time  can  never  redeem.  It  is  not 
that  this  act  was  the  cause  of  the  war,  but  that  Mexico,  having 
made  war  necessary  by  her  acts,  was  left  to  be  consistent 

If  objections  had  been  made  to  the  whole  bill,  members,  urging  them, 
might  have  found  a  defence  in  their  consciences.  But  their  position, 
as  opposed  to  the  preamble,  is  truly  a  most  awkward  one.  It  was 
equivalent  to  a  confession  that  they  were  more  willing  to  vote  means 
for  prosecuting  a  war  against  Mexico,  without  any  positive  declar 
ation  of  basis,  than  admit  the  statement  of  General  Taylor  to  be  a  fact. 
Their  love  for  history  was  greater  than  their  love  for  justice.  If  they 
believed  the  war  commenced  by  the  president  of  the  United  States, 
they  also  professed  to  believe  that  he  had  commenced  it  "  unconstitu 
tionally"  and  this  renders  their  case  still  worse.  They  were  ready  to 
vote  for  an  "  unconstitutional  war,"  in  preference  to  adopting  the  fact,  as 
given  by  General  Taylor,  that  the  war  was  commenced  by  the  act  of 
Mexico  !  We  cannot  well  avoid  thinking  of  the  gnat  and  camel,  as 
spoken  of  in  the  gospel  of  St.  Matthew,  f 

*  See  Appendix.  t  Chap,  xxiii.  24. 


MILITARY    POWER.  139 

in  her  career  of  folly  and  crime  —  and  to  strike  the  first  blow. 
She  commenced  what  proved  to  be  her  own  chastisement,  by 
the  hand  of  another  power.  She  was  the  sole  cause,  and,  in 
the  hands  of  Providence,  the  sole  subject  of  the  war,  and 
the  United  States  government  was  the  agent  for  its  merited 
infliction. 

PROSECUTION   OF   THE   WAR. 

MILITARY    POWER. 

THE  military  power  of  a  country  is  generally  estimated 
according  to  the  number  of  soldiers  that  makes  up  its  standing 
army.  This  number  varies,  as  the  supposed  interests  of  a 
nation  require,  and  is  large  or  small,  according  to  the  confi 
dence  which  a  government  has  in  itself.  A  large  army  always 
implies  doubt  in  the  government  as  to  its  hold  upon  the  affec 
tions  of  the  people,  and  of  its  ability  to  control  them.  Armies 
increase  as  governments  become  selfish  or  unjust,  and  though 
the  decrease  is  not  always  in  the  same  ratio  with  governments 
of  an  opposite  character,  still,  the  diminution  is  seen  to  take 
place  as  the  result  of  liberal  measures.  Much  must  be 
allowed  to  the  conservative  principle  of  government  anciently 
termed  "  the  divine  right  of  kings"  and  to  those  countless 
habits  and  prejudices  which  become  associated  with  all  the 
joys  of  a  people,  as  well  as  with  their  hardships  and  suffer 
ings.  The  people  are  slow  to  change.  It  is  not  in  their 
nature  to  change  suddenly,  and  remain  permanent.  They 
become  attached  even  to  a  form  of  government  that  may  deny 
them  liberty  of  thought  and  of  speech  ;  but,  if  that  government 
yields  to  a  small  proportion  of  their  requisitions,  they  remain 
loyal,  grateful,  and  content.  A  monarch  may  hold  his  power 
if  he  will  but  keep  in  advance  of  his  subjects  in  measures  of 
reform.  To  refuse  reforms,  and  hope  to  be  secure  in  a  stand 
ing  army,  is  a  great  error.  That  this  may  be  true  for  a  limited 
period,  no  one  will  deny.  When  we  speak  of  success  in  a 
nation,  we  refer  to  its  generations.  We  measure  the  progress 


140  MILITARY    POWER. 

of  man,  as  an  individual,  by  his  years  or  generations  ;  the 
progress  of  a  nation,  by  its  periods  of  great  causative  events, 
or  by  its  centuries. 

The  recent  events  of  France  illustrate  the  actual  power  of 
a  standing  army  in  a  country  where  intelligence  and  educa 
tion  are  beginning  to  reach  the  people,  and  where  love  of 
freedom  has  only  been  defeated  for  the  want  of  knowledge.* 
First  comes  the  desire  for  change,  and  then  the  ability.  The 
French  have  been  in  a  transition  state  for  a  long  period  of 
time.  Every  revolution  shows  an  advance,  and  the  period  is 
not  far  distant  when  we  shall  see  her  strength  equal  to  the 
glory  of  a  republic.  The  newly-fledged  eagle  falls  from 
branch  to  branch  in  its  first  attempts  to  fly,  and  every  fall  is 
marked  by  a  period  of  rest.  But  the  parent  birds  encourage 
its  efforts  by  example,  while  its  instinct  unceasingly  tempts  it 
forward  in  its  flights,  and  from  the  humble  distances  of  the 
forest-cluster  of  its  home,  it  soon  is  able  to  sweep  its  circles  in 
the  regions  of  the  sky. 

It  is  thus  with  nations,  destined  to  life  and  change. 
Change  is  but  another  word  for  growth  or  progress.  Every 
change  is  a  step  forward,  and  every  step  gives  new  strength. 
We  mean  the  progress  of  condition,  of  capacity,  of  power. 
A  monarchy  may  become  a  republic,  and  the  republic  may 
not  succeed,  and  the  monarchy  maybe  restored.  This  is 
merely  the  conventional  process.  Every  attempt  is  a  prepar 
ation,  every  revolution  a  step.  In  the  breaking  up  of  power, 
the  monarchy  may  seize  a  temporary  defence,  but  the  ultimate 
republic  is  inevitable. 

Louis  Phillippe  was  too  slow  for  his  people.  Guizot  was  too 
precise  in  his  scale  of  advance.  The  former  had  confidence 
in  the  latter,  and  the  latter  had  confidence  in  science.  Both 
seemed  to  lose  sight  of  the  fact,  that  while  they  were  watching 


*  The  Mexicans  "  say,  that  they  are  obliged  to  have  a  standing 
army,  and  that  they  can  only  enforce  their  laws  bv  the  grace  of  God 
and  gunpowder."  —Hon.  P.  Thompson. 


MILITARY    POWER    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES.  141 

for  changes  in  the  people,  they  did  not  count  upon  changes 
in  the  army.  Armies  are  made  up  of  men  ;  and  though  they 
are  excluded  in  some  degree  from  the  benefits  of  an  advan 
cing  society,  and  may  be  slow  to  appreciate  their  rights  as  citi 
zens,  still  they  have  begun  to  think.*  Thought  is  the  great 
source  of  power,  and  in  this  we  may  find  the  power  of  the 
United  States  —  in  the  capacity  of  the  people  to  think.  Right 
thinking  is  knowledge,  and  knowledge  is  power.  But  where 
is  the 

MILITARY    POWER    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES  ? 

If  a  stranger  were  to  visit  this  country,  he  would  be  at  a  loss 
to  find,  in  form,  its  military  power.  He  would  see  no  castles 
of  defiance,  no  towns  encircled  by  turretted  walls ;  he  would 
see  no  palaces,  with  their  lords  and  dependent  tenantry.  He 
would  see  no  display  of  royalty,  with  its  cortege  of  coun 
sellors,  outriders,  and  guard.  He  would  find  no  army,  with  its 
trappings,  to  admire  ;  no  national  parade  of  strength,  to  awe. 
But,  in  our  great  cities  he  would  see  industry  without  embar 
rassment,  activity  without  disorder,  excitement  without  riot, 
and  security  without  fear  ;  and  all  without  an  army  near,  or  a 
soldier's  guard. 

If  he  were  to  go  to  the  capital,  he  would  there  see  the  rep 
resentatives  of  the  people,  of  every  profession,  boldly  defend 
ing  the  right  and  denouncing  the  wrong,  in  the  business  of 
legislation.  He  would  see  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  nation 


*  In  speaking  of  the  Plymouth  rock,  De  Tocqueville  makes  the 
following  beautiful  reflection  :  — 

"  This  rock  is  become  an  object  of  veneration  in  the  United  States. 
I  have  seen  bits  of  it  carefully  preserved  in  several  towns  of  the 
Union.  Does  not  this  sufficiently  show  how  entirely  all  human 
power  and  greatness  is  in  the  soul  of  man  ?  Here  is  a  stone,  which 
the  feet  of  a  few  outcasts  pressed  for  an  instant,  and  this  stone 
becomes  famous  ;  it  is  treasured  by  a  great  nation  ;  its  very  dust  is 
shared  as  a  relic  ;  and  what  is  become  of  the  gateways  of  a  thousand 
palaces  ? " 


142  MILITARY    POWJ2R    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES. 

in  the  plainest  garb  of  the  humble  citizen,  and  his  advisers, 
unattended,  mingling  with  the  crowd,  courteous  to  all,  and  indif 
ferent  to  none.  But  he  would  see  no  army  near,  and  at  the 
doors  and  gates  of  the  public  buildings  would  find  no  sentinels. 
He  would  hear  of  our  government,  but  he  could  not  see  its 
vast  machinery.  He  would  hear  of  our  great  power,  but  he 
could  not  understand  its  form,  unless  he  should  visit  the  people 
at  their  homes  and  firesides.  He  would  find  nothing  wanting 
to  protection,  to  liberty,  or  to  life,  and  yet  he  would  find  no 
army. 

The  army  of  the  United  States,  in  times  of  peace,  does  not 
often  exceed  7,000  men.*  These  men,  scattered  over  a  vast 
territory,  are  hardly  to  be  perceived  by  the  traveller,  or  noticed 
by  our  citizens.  And  yet,  when  required  to  act  in  their  coun 
try's  defence,  they  make  the  nucleus  of  an  army  of  any  extent, 
and  of  the  greatest  power. 

With  a  military  academy,  directed  by  the  ablest  professors, 
and  liberally  sustained  by  government,  the  country  secures  a 
class  of  officers  of  the  highest  attainments  in  science,  and 
of  the  greatest  skill  in  practice.  In  time  of  war,  around  these 
officers  the  assembled  people  of  the  country  become  the  army 
of  the  nation  —  the  nation's  defence.  When  peace  returns,  they 
scatter  to  their  homes,  and  resume  their  accustomed  labors, 
and  the  soldier  again  becomes  the  citizen. 

The  military  power  of  the  United  States  is  as  broad  as  the 
continent  to  which  it  belongs,  and  its  basis  is  in  the  hearts  of 
the  people.  It  is  not  physical,  but  moral  power.  It  is  not  for 
the  defence  of  a  government,  but  of  a  people.  It  is  not  for  the 
few,  but  for  all.  It  is  not  for  others,  but  for  ourselves.  It  is 
not  for  conquest,  but  for  justice.  It  is  not  for  ambition,  but  for 
protection,  that  the  military  power  of  the  United  States  is 
organized  and  exerted. 

*  The  constitution  provides  that  Congress  has  no  power  to  make 
any  appropriation  of  money  for  the  support  of  armies  for  a  longer  term 
than  two  years.  The  strength  of  the  army  at  the  commencement  of 
hostilities  with  the  Republic  of  Mexico  was,  (April,  1846,)  7,244. 


MILITARY    POWER    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES.  143 

The  profession  of  arms  becomes  ennobled  when  we  see  our 
military  men  among  our  best  citizens,  and  our  best  citizens 
ready  to  become  soldiers.  A  standing  army  has  been  thought 
indispensably  necessary  for  a  nation's  defence.  The  recent 
events  of  Europe,  however,  have  tended  to  show  that  they  are 
now  deemed  sources  rather  of  danger  than  of  protection. 

The  volunteer  system,  adopted  by  this  country,  is  in  harmony 
with  its  institutions.  There  is  a  freedom  and  a  dignity  in  it 
worthy  of  a  people  who  are  willing  and  ready  to  defend  their 
own  rights.* 

When  this  war  was  commenced  by  Mexico,  our  troops  on 
the  frontier  of  Texas  numbered,  present  and  absent,  only 
3554  men,  of  which  131  were  sick.  Fifty  thousand  volun 
teers  were  called  for,  and  nearly  half  a  million  offered  their 
services  from  ail  parts  of  the  Union. 

The  volunteer  has  all  the  strength  of  motive  that  gives  to 
the  citizen  the  spirit  of  duty,  and  all  the  love  of  home  and 
country  that  gives  the  soldier  courage.  He  goes  to  the  war, 
not  as  the  agent  of  destruction,  but  as  the  defender  of  right 
and  justice.  His  motto  is,  Verite  sans  peur. 

We  have  no  sympathy  with  those  who  decry  the  military  of 
their  country,  and  would  avail  themselves  of  the  blessings  which 
are  gained  by  its  power  and  protected  by  its  presence.  Have 
they  no  reverence  for  the  memory  of  Washington,  and  -his 
noble  band  of  patriots  !  Have  they  no  gratitude  for  the  results 
of  their  achievements  —  the  achievements  of  the  sword  !  We 
admire  their  love  of  peace,  but  we  cannot  adopt  their  judgment. 
Their  views  are  in  advance  of  their  condition.  We  would  not 
lessen  their  efforts  in  the  great  cause  of  humanity,  but  we 
could  wish  that,  while  they  are  disposed  to  act  for  the  good  of 
their  country,  they  would  endeavor  to  devote  their  energies  to 
prevent  the  causes  of  war,  rather  than  oppose  the  stern  and 
inexorable  rule  of  justice  among  nations,  after  war  has  been 
commenced. 

*  See  the  excellent  speech,  of  Mr.  Douglas,  of  Illinois,  delivered 
in  the  U.  S.  Senate,  February,  1848. 


144  ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  THE  ARMY. 


ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  THE  ARMY. 

The  nature  and  limits  of  the  present  volume  do  not  enable 
us  to  give  the  details  of  the  brilliant  achievements  of  our  army 
in  Mexico.  These  belong  to  a  different  and  a  more  extended 
work,  which  is  in  preparation.  The  heroism  and  the  enduring 
activity  and  skill  of  the  officer  and  soldier,  have  been  the 
subject  of  wonder  and  admiration.  All  dangers,  fatigues,  and 
difficulties  were  encountered  and  surmounted  with  cheerfulness 
and  promptitude.  Our  government  would  consent  to  nothing 
but  an  honorable  peace  ;  our  army  consented  to  nothing  but 
victory.  The  names  of  Scott,  Taylor,  Butler,  Worth,  Twiggs, 
Wool,  Smith,  Pillow,  Quitman,  Childs,  Pierce,  Hamer,  Lane, 
Shields,  —  and  a  host  of  others  might  be  enumerated,  —  will 
live  upon  the  pages  of  their  countiVs  history  so  long  as  merit 
shall  be  respected  and  duty  honored. 

Our  gallant  navy,  though  circumscribed  in  action,  was  true 
to  the  glory  which  belongs  to  patriotism,  skill,  and  courage. 
The  reputation  of  its  officers  and  the  efficiency  of  its  men  are 
too  well  known  to  require  service  to  entitle  them  to  our  ac 
knowledgments  of  respect. 

In  the  prosecution  of  this  war  we  find  a  singular  combination 
of  forces.  The  destructive  engines  of  death  were  sent  forward, 
accompanied  by  commissioners  of  peace  ;  and  the  hand  that 
was  raised  to  take  life  from  the  enemy,  was  the  bearer  of  the 
olive  branch.  After  every  victory,  a  pause  was  made  for 
peace.* 

The  government  at  home,  three  thousand  miles  from  the 
scenes  of  action,  deliberately  matured  its  measures  and  executed 
its  plans.  It  gave  its  orders  amid  an  approving  party  on  the  one 
hand,  and  an  opposing  one  on  the  other.  Friends  were  prompt, 
opponents  were  reluctant.  But  few  would  stop  the  war  if  they 
couid,  and  many  condemned  it  with  their  voice,  while  they 

*  See  Appendix  X. 


ACHIEVEMENTS    OF    THE    ARMY.  145 

sustained  it  by  their  votes.  None  denied  its  justice,  though 
some  denied  its  expediency.  Many  gave  their  countenance  to 
the  enemy,  though  they  had  too  much  self-respect  to  deny  the 
folly  and  stupidity  of  the  Mexicans. 

The  House  of  Representatives  voted,  by  a  small  majority, 
that  the  war  "  was  unnecessarily  and  unconstitutionally  begun 
by  the  president  of  the  United  States,"  and  yet  the  same  body 
refused  to  stop  it.*  Articles  of  impeachment  were  threatened 
against  the  president  by  the  whigs,  but  they  were  not  brought 
forward,  because  there  was  a  democratic  majority  in  the 
senate  ;  as  if  the  senators  of  the  democracy  could  not  be  true 
to  their  oaths  of  office  !  States  passed  their  resolutions  of 
approval  and  of  protest,  peace  societies  remonstrated,  clergy 
men  admonished,  and  citizens  denounced.  The  government 
was  disowned  at  home  and  abused  abroad,  for  the  unholy  war, 
as  it  was  called,  against  a  weak  and  distracted  people.  Party 
in  its  bitterness,  zeal  in  its  ignorance,  and  prejudice  in  its  blind 
ness,  all  conspired  to  render  the  acts  of  the  government  un 
successful  in  their  objects,  and  odious  to  the  people.  But  the 
people  were  true  to  their  country  and  to  its  government.  Duty 
was  too  plain  to  be  mistaken,  too  great  to  be  neglected.  They 
asked  no  advice  but  facts,  and  raised  no  standard  but  con 
science.  The  government  compromised  no  right,  and  neglected 
no  duty.  It  was  prompt  in  its  action,  and  humane  in  its  policy. 
It  was  true  to  the  country,  true  to  Mexico,  true  to  the  world, 
and  true  to  itself. 

In  the  eloquent  language  of  General  Cass,  we  give  a  brief 
review  of  what  was  accomplished  by  our  government  and 
army  during  the  short  period  of  twenty-two  months.  He 
says,  — 

"  The  act  recognizing  war  was  passed  on  the  13th  of  May, 
1846,  twenty-two  months  ago.  At  that  time  we  had  an  army, 

*  The  "  ten  regiment  bill "  was  passed  by  the  House,  by  a  vote  of 
170  to  35.     See  speeches  of  Mr.  Cobb  and  Mr.  Stanton,  delivered  in 
February  and  March,  1848. 
13 


146  ACHIEVEMENTS    OF    THE    ARMY. 

whose  total  of  rank  and  file  consisted  of  7523  men.  They 
occupied  thirty-seven  forts  and  positions  in  the  interior  of  the 
United  States,  and  upon  our  inland  and  seaboard  frontier, 
comprehending  a  space  almost  equal  to  half  of  Europe ;  and 
the  portion  of  this  force  under  General  Taylor,  upon  the 
Nueces,  amounted  to  3001  men.  This  was  our  preparation 
for  meeting  the  war.  All  else  had  to  be  collected  or  created. 
Recollect,  sir,  that  our  situation  is  far  different  from  that  of 
the  martial  powers  of  Europe.  War  is  there  both  a  trade  and 
science,  and  its  governments  are  always  prepared  to  meet 
contingencies,  which  cannot,  indeed,  be  foreseen,  but  which, 
if  not  provided  for,  bring  ruin  and  disorder  in  their  train.  At 
one  time,  the  people  of  France  were  a  great  army,  the  coun 
try  a  vast  camp,  the  cities  and  towns,  arsenals  and  magazines, 
and  the  fields,  sources  of  supply  for  the  immense  living 
machine,  whose  movements  were  always  so  tremendous,  and 
often  so  irresistible.  Well,  sir,  we  had  nothing  of  all  this. 
We  had  no  army,  for  our  little  force  scarcely  deserved  the 
name.  We  had  no  conscription  by  which  to  increase  it.  All 
materiel  necessary  for  the  subsistence  and  transportation  and 
operations  of  our  troops  had  to  be  collected  through  the  coun 
try,  and  conveyed  to  a  distant  scene  of  operations.  This 
scene  is  three  thousand  miles  off;  and  little  did  the  govern 
ment  or  country  know  of  the  condition  of  Mexico,  of  its 
fortresses,  or  their  state  of  preparation  ;  of  its  armies,  or  their 
state  of  efficiency  or  discipline  ;  of  the  roads,  bridges,  the 
means  of  transportation  and  subsistence,  and  the  thousand 
other  points,  essential  to  military  operations,  and  which,  in  the 
various  countries  of  Europe,  are  studied  and  known. 

"  Now,  sir,  in  the  face  of  these  obstacles,  what  have  we 
done  ?  We  have  sent  our  troops  to  the  shores  of  the  Pacific, 
by  the  routes  across  the  continent,  and  around  Cape  Horn  ; 
we  have  subdued  Upper  and  Lower  California  and  New 
Mexico  ;  we  have  taken  possession  of  the  rich  and  populous 
districts  upon  the  Rio  Grande  ;  we  have  carried  the  war  into 
the  heart  of  the  Republic,  after  attacking  and  reducing  the 


ACHIEVEMENTS    OF   THE    ARMY.  147 

renowned  fortress,  which  commands  its  principal  maritime 
entrance,  the  capture  of  which  alone  was  glory  enough  for 
France  ;  we  have  taken  its  capital,  dispersed  its  armies,  made 
its  government,  and  reduced  to  subjection  a  large  portion  of 
its  population ;  we  have  fought  at  least  fourteen  important 
actions,  of  which  eight  were  pitched  battles,  and  in  every  one 
there  was  a  disparity  of  force  against  us,  and  in  many  an 
inequality,  which  carries  us  back  for  similar  examples  of 
desperate  struggles,  to  the  early  ages  of  the  world,  —  to  the 
combats  of  the  Greeks  and  Persians,  —  which  they  resemble, 
rather  than  the  conflicts,  which  the  severe  truth  of  modern 
history  judges  and  records.  We  have  captured  a  score  of 
great  cities,  some  of  them  fortified  and  defended,  and  capa 
ble  of  strong  resistance.  Time  would  fail  me  to  tell  all  we 
have  done,  nor  can  it  be  necessary  ;  for  is  it  not  already 
written  in  imperishable  letters  upon  the  records  of  history,  and 
in  burning  and  shining  characters  upon  the  heart  of  every 
American  !  " 

This  language  was  not  spoken  by  the  distinguished  senator 
in  a  spirit  of  boasting,  but  in  reply  to  an  honorable  member 
who  had  spoken  lightly  of  the  efficiency  of  our  government 
and  of  the  achievements  of  our  army. 

It  has  been  urged  by  some,  that  if  we  had  invaded  Mexico 
with  a  large  army,  her  chance  of  success  would  have  been 
deemed  a  hopeless  one  by  her  own  government,  and  that 
negotiation  and  peace  would  have  been  the  immediate  results. 
Perhaps  so.  It  is  easy  to  say  this  when  another  and  more 
moderate  course  was  adopted.  If  a  powerful  and  overwhelm 
ing  movement  had  been  made  by  the  administration,  against 
that  feeble  and  miserable  people,  OPPRESSION  and  CRUELTY 
would  have  been  the  cry  every  where.  Mexico  would  have 
had  no  chance  to  expose  her  weakness,  and  her  strength  would 
have  been  over-estimated.  As  it  now  stands,  in  every  battle, 
her  numerical  force  was  greatly  superior  to  ours,  —  and  it 
cannot  be  said,  that  she  had  no  opportunity  to  test  the  bravery 
of  her  troops  by  battle,  or  to  vindicate  her  honor  by  victory. 


148  ACHIEVEMENTS    OF    THE    ARMY. 

Much  has  been  said  by  the  opponents  of  the  war  with  regard 
to  the  return  of  Santa  Anna  to  -Mexico.  Of  the  means  sanc 
tioned  or  provided  we  have  no  remark  to  make.  This  subject 
was  conclusively  disposed  of  by  the  president  in  his  answer  to 
Congress.  We  allude  to  it  only  for  the  purpose  of  expressing 
our  undisguised  astonishment  that  any  one,  under  any  circum 
stances,  should  deny  to  Mexico  the  service  of  her  sons ! 
Supposing  permission  had  been  asked  to  allow  his  return,  who 
would  have  refused  it  ?  What  was  Santa  Anna  that  we  should 
fear  him  ?  Why  should  he  be  continued  in  banishment  by 
us  ?  Was  he  our  prisoner  ?  And  if  he  were  considered  by 
Mexico  her  ablest  general,  his  absence  would  have  been 
deemed  as  the  cause  of  defeat,  and  false  hopes  would  have 
continued  to  blind  her  people.  Of  what  avail  has  his  return 
been  to  Mexico  ! 

Our  country  owes  her  army  a  debt  of  gratitude  which  nothing 
but  duty  to  her  own  great  interests  can  ever  pay.  Our  soldiers 
were  our  fellow-citizens.  They  bravely  fought  the  battles  of 
justice,  and  won  victories  that  shall  tend  to  lessen  wrong  and 
establish  peace  in  all  coming  time.  They  made  sacrifices  for 
others'  good,  and,  if  they  suffered,  time  will  prove  that  for 
every  pain  shall  come  a  thousand  blessings  to  the  future  race.* 

While  we  greet  with  smiles  and  joyous  acclamations  the 
hardy  soldier's  return  from  the  war,  let  us  pause  to  drop  a 
tear  for 

THE    FALLEN    THAT    DO    NOT    COME. 

The  desolated  home  of  the  departed  soldier  should  be  re 
lieved  by  our  charities,  and  soothed  by  our  sympathies. 

*  It  was  estimated  that  70,000  victims  were  sacrificed  at  the  coro 
nation  of  Montezuma.  The  ordinary  number  of  sacrifices,  annually, 
was  very  large  before  the  conquest  of  Mexico  by  Cortes.  The  total 
loss  of  both  nations,  in  the  late  war,  does  not  exceed  12,000.  This 
estimate  does  not  embrace  the  deaths  from  disease.  A  complete  report 
is  not  yet  made.  The  saving  of  life  was  great,  in  consequence  of 
the  conquest  of  ancient  Mexico,  and  it  will  be  great  during  the 
next  century,  in  consequence  of  the  war  just  closed.  See  Appendix  Y. 


THE  FALLEN  THAT  DO  NOT  COME.          149 

The  death  of  a  soldier  is  an  event  of  the  nation,  and  fraught 
with  a  nation's  consequence.  It  is  not  a  loss,  but  a  public  gain  ; 
not  an  alternative  of  chance,  but  of  duty.  It  is  the  death  of 
the  body,  that  the  soul  of  man  may  live  in  still  greater  freedom. 
It  is  not  without  good  reason  that  the  death  of  a  soldier  in  the 
service  of  his  country  has  always  been  regarded  as  an  event 
of  honorable  notice.  His  acts  have  helped  a  nation's  prog 
ress,  and  his  lot  has  made  more  precious  a  nation's  rights. 

It  is  a  thoughtless  and  cruel  sympathy  that  would  raise  no 
stone  to  mark  the  soldier's  grave,  or  to  seek  to  deck  its  mound 
with  nought  but  withered  flowers  ;  to  be  willing  to  forget  the 
form  that  perished  at  the  post  of  duty,  and  to  sadden  the  hearts 
of  those  who  clung  to  it  in  affection  while  in  life,  by  the  irrev 
erent  reflections  that  a  soldier's  death  has  no  place  in  the  great 
book  of  Providence  !  that  it  is  wrong,  a  meanless  event  of 
sin,  a  loss,  a  blank,  forbidden  by  God,  and  sanctioned  by  no 
good  man.  We  can  see  in  this  no  light  of  wisdom,  no  act  of 
piety.  It  is  a  cheerless  view  of  man  to  look  only  on  the  objects 
of  life,  without  regarding  the  painful  sacrifices  which  lead  to 
their  attainment ;  to  seem  to  be  ignorant  of  the  truth  that 
death  is  a  law  of  our  nature,  —  a  condition  of  progress. 

THEN    LET    THE    SOLDIER'S    GRAVE    BE    HONORED  ! 

Let  his  deeds  be  cherished.  It  is  not  for  the  selfish  looker-on, 
surrounded  by  all  his  comforts  and  studying  no  good  but  his 
own,  to  measure  the  glory  of  those  who  give  up  home  and  all 
that  is  near  and  dear,  to  serve  their  country  on  the  field  of 
danger.  The  former  dies  in  his  cot,  and  his  end  is  from  dis 
ease.  The  latter  dies  on  the  field,  and  his  end  is  a  sacrifice 
on  the  altar  of  patriotism. 
13* 


150  THE    JUSTICE    OF    THE    WAR,  "AND    ITS    RESULTS. 


THE  JUSTICE  OF  THE  WAR,  AND   ITS    RESULTS. 

JUSTICE  is  the  standard  of  right.  Whatever  is  just,  is  right. 
Whatever  is  right,  must  be  just.  Justice  is  a  principle  that 
gives  moral  condition  to  existence.  It  is  an  element  that  seeks 
equality  in  all  the  relations  of  life,  and  is  the  law  of  harmony 
in  the  moral  being.  It  saves  the  individual  from  the  hardships 
of  transgression,  and  preserves  the  nation  from  decay  and 
downfall.  It  is  the  result  of  a  world's  integrity.  It  is  the 
condition  of  continued  existence. 

It  is  not  a  matter  of  chance.  It  is  not  to  be  perverted  or 
avoided.  It  is  self-protective.  It  can  neither  be  tempted  or 
bribed.  Neither  can  it  be  impaired  or  destroyed.  It  is  an 
attribute  of  Deity,  —  an  indestructible  element  of  all  created 
being.  It  is  true  to  its  source,  and  yields  not  to  power,  nor  to 
the  events  of  time  or  eternity.  Without  justice,  man  would 
cease  to  be  a  moral  being  ;  and  without  justice,  nations  would 
cease  to  exist  upon  the  face  of  the  earth,  and  truth  would  be  at 
war  with  itself. 

Properly  to  discuss,  therefore,  the  justice  of  the  war,  we  are 
led  to  inquire  into  the  principles  of  national  existence.  These 
principles  involve  national  duties.  The  duties  of  a  nation  are 
of  a  two-fold  character. 

1st.  Self-preservation,  in  the  most  enlarged  sense  of  the 
term;  and, 

2d.  A  just  regard  for  the  rights  of  all  men  and  of  all  nations. 

Or,  in  other  words,  justice  to  itself  and  justice  to  others. 

The  duties  of  self-preservation  are  those  to  be  found  in  a 
just  and  comprehensive  legislation  ;  in  the  impartial  adminis 
tration  of  the  laws  ;  in  the  strict  observance  of  treaties  ;  in  the 
means  of  education  and  improvement ;  in  the  protection  of 
life,  liberty,  and  property  of  all  the  citizens  of  a  nation 
throughout  the  world. 

The  second  class  of  duties  are  embraced  in  this,  that,  in 


THE    JUSTICE    OF   THE    WAR,    AND    ITS    RESULTS.         151 

what  we  claim  for  ourselves  as  necessary  to  our  protection,  we 
will  not  deny  as  necessary  to  all  others  placed  in  the  same  re 
sponsible  relations  of  national  existence. 

We  have  seen  what  the  relations  have  been  between  the 
United  States  and  Mexico  during  an  entire  generation.  On 
the  one  hand,  a  series  of  aggressions  on  life,  liberty,  and  prop 
erty  have  been  committed,  without  manifesting  any  disposition 
to  lessen  the  causes  of  wrong  in  future,  or  to  give  redress  for 
wrongs  of  the  past.  To  these  have  been  added  the  petty  acts 
of  arrogance,  and  bold  assumptions,  having  no  truth  to  redeem 
them.  On  the  other  hand,  a  nation  of  greater  power,  the  sub 
ject  of  these  wrongs,  has  resorted  to  no  measures  of  retaliation, 
to  no  decisive  means  of  redress,  but  has  exhausted  all  the 
sources  of  favor  and  forbearance. 

The  weakness  of  Mexico  has  been  the  condition  of  her  ex 
emption  from  a  just  accountability.  This  has  been  her  mis 
fortune  ;  and  if  the  government  of  the  United  States  has  any 
error  to  redeem,  it  is  that  of  indulgence  to  Mexico,  permitting 
the  acts  of  outrage  and  wrong,  without  insisting  upon  prompt 
reparation.  The  weakness  of  a  nation  furnishes  no  good  reason 
why  she  should  be  excused  for  the  violation  and  neglect  of 
sacred  duties.  All  will  agree  that  it  is  a  reason  for  an  oppo 
site  course.  National  strength  cannot  come  from  neglect ; 
national  prosperity  cannot  come  from  indolence ;  national 
glory  cannot  come  from  national  wrongs*  All  these  elements 
of  national  existence  can  come  only  from  conscience  and  from 
duty. 

Not  content  to  be  left  to  herself  to  reform  during  the  seasons 
of  indulgence,  she  adds  new  insults  to  the  wrongs  of  the  past, 
and,  in  the  utter  folly  of  her  condition,  commences  a  war  with 
the  United  States  ;  thus  inviting  the  infliction  of  those  accumu 
lated  penalties,  which  a  Providence  may  suspend,  but  never 
remit.* 

*  We  find  the  following  paragraph  in  one  of  the  public  journals, 
embraced  in  a  letter  from  St.  Petersburgh,  with  regard  to  the  cholera 
n/  w  prevailing  in  that  city  : 

"  During  the  week,  and  particularly  on  Sunday  last,  processions 


152  THE    JUSTICE    OF    THE  WAR,  AND  ITS  RESULTS. 

War  is,  indeed,  a  temporary  calamity  ;  but  without  war, 
national  wrongs  would  become  permanent  evils.  Without  war, 
moral  blessings  would  be  made  subservient  to  the  animal  pas 
sions.  Ultimate  victory  is  ever  on  the  side  of  right.* 

In  what  way  could  the  evils  of  Mexico  be  reached,  unless 
by  the  strong  hand  of  war  ?  How  could  she  be  made  to  feel 
that  Providence  exempted  no  nation  from  the  penalties  of  its 
crimes,  except  by  war  ?  How  could  we  reach  her  cities,  her 

with  images,  consecrated  burners,  &c.,  have  perambulated  all  the 
streets  and  squares  of  the  city  to  propitiate  the  divine  Being,  and  to 
avert  the  direful  calamity  with  which  this  city  is  visited." 

There  are  certain  diseases  of  the  body  which  may  be  termed  cumu 
lative  diseases,  whose  causes  are  both  near  and  remote.  The  cholera 
may  be  said  to  be  one  of  them.  The  causes  are  to  be  found  in  man's 
ignorance  of  his  physical  laws,  and  in  the  consequent  abuse  of  them. 
What  is  not  made  manifest  in  the  individual,  is  visited  upon  the  race. 
What  is  not  seen  as  an  effect  in  a  day,  will  be  made  apparent  in  a 
generation,  or  in  a  century.  The  same  may  be  said  with  regard  to 
national  evils. 

Instead  of  addressing  prayers  to  Deity  how  to  escape  from  the  chol 
era,  let  the  Russians,  and  all  others,  pray  to  be  saved  from  the  causes 
which  produce  it,  and  which  may  come  upon  their  descendants.  Let 
them  pray  for  knowledge  of  themselves,  and  of  the  conditions  of  health. 
To  pray  to  be  saved  from  the  consequences  of  causes  already  existing 
or  past,  is  equivalent  to  asking  to  be  exempted  from  the  protection  ot 
God's  providence. 

*  Civilization  finds  war,  like  all  other  elements  of  humanity,  neces 
sarily  existing.  It  does  not  create  the  principle,  but  it  controls  and 
modifies  its  action.  Horror  after  horror  is  swept  away ;  the  captive 
ceases  to  be  sent  to  the  stake  or  the  caldron  ;  slavery  becomes  an  im 
provement  substituted  for  murder  ;  the  enslaved  captives  are  treated 
with  more  and  more  kindness,  until  servitude  ceases  altogether,  and 
prisoners  of  war  are  recognized  as  men  and  brothers.  The  onward 
course  of  civilization  is  at  least,  in  this  respect,  distinctly  marked ; 
we  can  see  the  direction  of  its  progress  ;  an  intelligent  and  moral 
public  opinion  is  steadily  establishing  its  empire  instead  of  brute 
force,  and  forming  a  tribunal  to  decide  the  disputes  of  nations,  as 
peacefully  as  those  of  individuals.  —  Taylor  s  Natural  History  of 
Society. 


THE    JUSTICE    OF    THE  WAK,  AND  ITS    RESULTS.  153 

people,  and  that  army*  of  settled  impostors,  that  has  preyed 
upon  her  very  vitals  during  her  existence  as  a  Republic,  except 
by  war  ?  How  could  her  miserable  population  be  educated  and 
elevated  to  the  privileges  of  freedom  and  justice,  and  be  pro 
tected  from  the  rule  of  tyrants  and  wicked  men,  except  by 
war  ?  t 

Could  we  send  them  missionaries  to  teach  them  religion, — 
who  would  tolerate  them,  who  would  hear  them  ?  Could  we 
send  teachers  to  instruct  their  children,  and  the  ignorant, — 
what  parent  in  that  country  would  give  his  assent,  what  priest 
would  yield  to  such  a  power  ?  Could  we  send  books,  and 
tracts,  giving  knowledge  and  inculcating  duty,  —  they  would 
be  rejected  as  dangerous  where  ignorance  is  safety.  Could 

*  "  That  which  is  in  all  respects  the  greatest  nuisance,  and  the 
most  insuperable  barrier  to  the  prosperity  and  progress  of  Mexico,  is 
the  army.  They  will  tell  you  there,  that  it  amounts  to  40,000  men ; 
but  they  have  never  had  half  that  number.  I  have  no  doubt  that 
the  accounts  at  the  department  of  war  exhibit  nearly  the  number 
stated,  but  a  large  proportion  of  them  are  men  of  straw,  fictitious 
names  fraudulently  inserted  for  the  benefit  of  the  officers  who  pay 
them. 

"  They  have  more  than  two  hundred  generals,  most  of  them  with 
out  commands."  —  Thompson's  Recollections. 

The  manner  of  collecting  an  army,  in  Mexico,  is  thus  stated  by  the 
same  able  author. 

"  The  soldiers  of  the  Mexican  army  are  generally  collected  by 
sending  out  recruiting  detachments  into  the  mountains,  where  they 
hunt  the  Indians  in  their  dens  and  caverns,  and  bring  them  in  chains 
to  Mexico.  There  is  scarcely  a  day  that  droves  of  these  miserable  and 
more  than  half  naked  wretches  are  not  seen  thus  chained  together 
and  marching  through  the  streets  to  the  barracks,  where  they  are 
scoured  and  then  dressed  in  a  uniform  made  of  linen  cloth  or  of 
serge,  and  are  occasionally  drilled,  which  drilling  consists  mainly  in 
teaching  them  to  march  in  column  throxigh  the  streets." 

f  "The  clergy  and  the  army  cannot  be  tried  for  crime,  or  be  made 
to  pay  a  debt  by  the  common  courts  of  the  country" ;  but  the  former 
are  tried  by  the  ecclesiastical,  and  the  latter  by  a  military  court." — 
See  Speech  of  lion.  Mr.  Fi.ckH>it  delivered  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
March,  1848. 


154  THE  JUSTICE    OF    THE  WAR,  AND   ITS    RESULTS. 

we  protect  the  traveller  in  that  country  from  murder  and  rob 
bery,  by  a  government  passport  ?  Could  we  defend  the  rights 
of  our  citizens  by  a  recital  of  our  treaty  stipulations  ?  Could 
we  avenge  national  insults  by  national  protests  ?  Could  we 
redress  national  wrongs  by  national  remonstrance  ? 

The  crimes  of  men  are  visited  upon  their  heads.  Society 
demands  it,  and  the  laws  provide  the  way  and  the  means. 
The  criminals  can  be  found  and  taken.  They  can  be  subjected 
to  trial,  to  sentence,  and  to  punishment.  All  this  is  practica 
ble.  But  it  is  not  so  with  nations.  A  nation  cannot  be  sum 
moned  to  court.  A  nation  cannot  be  sent  for  by  the  police. 
It  cannot  be  imprisoned  for  safety.  It  cannot  be  tried  by  a 
jury,  sentenced  by  a  court,  and  punished  according  to  law. 
A  nation  cannot  be  called  to  an  account  for  its  wickedness, 
or  be  subjected  to  punishment,  except  by  war.  And  in  this 
terrible  calamity,  it  is  made  to  suffer,  and  to  render  justice. 

Its  false  pride  is  rebuked  ;  its  trusts  are  reduced  ;  its  neglected 
engagements  are  detailed  for  redemption ;  its  outrages  are  made 
the  subject  of  notoriety  throughout  all  nations, — as  examples 
to  be  detested  and  shunned  ;  its  own  government  becomes  the 
subject  of  public  admonition  before  the  civilized  world. 

If  the  calamities  of  war  are  terrible  to  be  borne,  it  must  be 
considered  that  they  are  remedies  for  evils,  which,  if  continued, 
would  destroy  society,  and  that  they  are  but  the  lessons  which 
nations  teach  nations,  of  a  nation's  good,  of  a  nation's  shame, 
or  of  a  nation's  glory. 

The  remedies  of  Providence  are  directed  by  fundamental 
laws.  They  are  made  in  magnitude  and  character  to  corre 
spond  with  the  nature  and-  extent  of  the  evils  which  they  are 
designed  to  correct. 

Who  shall  complain  that  the  tempest  is  too  great !  that  the 
whirlwind  is  too  rapid  !  that  the  earthquake  is  too  terrible  ! 
that  the  volcano  is  too  fearful  !  that  the  lightning  is  too  dan 
gerous,  and  the  thunder  too  startling !  or  that  pestilence  and 
famine  are  too  destructive  ! 

Why  should  men  look  for  great  effects  from  small  causes  ? 


THE    JUSTICE   OF   THE    WAR,    AND   ITS   RESULTS.  155 

Why  should  men  look  for  great  reforms,  without  regard  to 
means  adapted  to  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  work  to  be 
done  ?  Governments  are  surrounded  by  impenetrable  walls 
of  national  error,  pride,  and  prejudice,  —  more  durable  than 
granite,  less  yielding  than  steel,  and  no  power  can  reach  them 
or  their  people  until  these  walls  are  broken,  and  no  power  can 
break  them  but  war. 

As  individuals  are  made  responsible  to  the  laws  of  society, 
in  which  they  live,  so  nations  are  held  responsible  to 
nations  for  a  just  observance  of  those  great  laws,  which,  for  a 
common  good,  all  civilized  nations  acknowledge.*  As  a  peo 
ple  improve  a  country,  so  nations  cover  the  earth  to  improve 
and  subdue  it.  They  are  either  faithful  or  false  to  their  trusts. 
If  faithful,  they  prosper  ;  and  their  prosperity  is  an  element  in 
the  progress  of  the  world.  If  false,  adversity  is  their  lot,  and 
their  evils  are  extended  to  every  nation.  In  some  degree,  the 
interests  of  one  nation  become  the  interests  of  all  nations. 
All  have  a  common  interest,  and  this  all  are  ready  to  protect. 

As  sovereignties  acknowledge  no  superior,  each  nation 
claims  to  judge  of  its  own  rights.  As  these  rights  are  re 
spected,  intercourse  becomes  useful  and  profitable.  As  they 
are  disregarded  or  violated,  they  become  the  subjects  of  nego 
tiation,  or  causes  of  war.  When  negotiation  fails,  war  becomes 
the  alternative.  In  this  position,  Mexico  placed  herself  in  rela 
tion  to  the  United  States.  It  became  the  right  of  this  country 
to  insist  upon  that  measure  of  justice  which  she  is  ever  ready 
to  accord  to  others,  and  which  all  nations,  just  to  themselves, 
are  bound  to  observe.  War  was  not  the  choice  of  our  govern 
ment,  it  became  the  alternative.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
Mexico  barely  escaped  a  war  with  us  in  1837.  In  a  message 
to  Congress  of  that  year,  President  Jackson  used  the  following 
language : — 

"  Having  in  vain  urged  upon  the  government  of  Mexico 
the  justice  of  those  claims,  and  my  indispensable  obligation  to 

*  See  Appendix  Z. 


156  THE    JUSTICE    OF    THE    WAR,    AND    ITS    RESULTS. 

insist  that  there  should  be  no  further  delay  in  the  acknowledg 
ment,  if  not  in  the  redress,  of  the  injuries  complained  of,  my 
duty  requires  that  the  whole  subject  should  be  presented,  as  it 
now  is,  for  the  action  of  Congress,  whose  exclusive  right  it  is 
to  decide  on  the  further  measures  to  be  employed.  The  length 
of  time  since  some  of  these  injuries  have  been  committed,  the 
repeated  and  unavailing  applications  for  redress,  the  wanton 
character  of  some  of  the  outrages  upon  the  property  and  per 
sons  of  our  citizens,  upon  the  officers  and  flag  of  the  United 
States,  independent  of  the  recent  insult  to  this  government 
and  people  by  the  late  extraordinary  Mexican  minister,  WOULD 

JUSTIFY,     IN    THE     EYES     OF      ALL     NATIONS,     IMMEDIATE     WAR. 

That  remedy,  however,  should  not  be  used  by  just  and  gener 
ous  nations,  confiding  in  their  strength,  for  injuries  committed, 
if  it  can  be  honorably  avoided  ;  and  it  has  occurred  to  me,  that, 
considering  the  present  embarrassed  condition  of  that  country, 
we  should  act  with  both  wisdom  and  moderation,  by  giving 
Mexico  one  more  opportunity  to  atone  for  the  past,  before  we 
take  redress  into  our  own  hands.  To  avoid  all  misconception 
on  the  part  of  Mexico,  as  well  as  to  protect  our  own  national 
character  from  reproach,  this  opportunity  should  be  given  with 
the  avowed  design  and  full  preparation  to  take  immediate  sat 
isfaction,  if  it  should  not  be  obtained  on  a  repetition  of  a  de 
mand  for  it.  To  this  end,  I  recommend  that  an  act  be  passed, 
authorizing  reprisals,  and  the  use  of  the  naval  force  of  the 
United  States,  by  the  executive,  against  Mexico,  to  enforce 
them,  in  the  event  of  a  refusal  of  the  Mexican  government 
to  come  to  an  amicable  adjustment  of  the  matters  in  con 
troversy  between  us,  upon  another  demand  thereof,  made 
from  on  board  one  of  our  vessels  of  war  on  the  coast  of 
Mexico." 

This  message  was  sent  to  Congress  on  the  8th  February, 
1837,  and  on  the  19th  day  of  February,  the  committee  on 
foreign  relations  in  the  Senate,  of  which  Mr.  Clay  was  one, 
made  —  unanimously  —  a  report,  which  was  accepted  unani- 


THE    JUSTICE    OF    THE    WAR,   AND    ITS    RESULTS.  157 

mously  by  the  Senate,  repeating  and  approving  entirely,  the 
views  and  suggestions  of  President  Jackson. 

The  report  of  the  House  on  the  same  subject,  was  made  on 
the  24th  Februaiy,  fully  concurring  with  the  views  of  the 
president,  and  with  those  of  the  Senate  committee. 

On  the  27th  of  May,  1837,  Mr.  Forsyth,  then  secretary 
of  state,  in  a  letter  written  to  the  Mexican  minister  of  foreign 
affairs,  says, — 

"  These  wrongs  are  of  a  character  which  cannot  be  tolerated 
by  any  government  indued  with  a  just  self-respect,  with  a 
proper  regard  for  the  opinion  of  other  nations,  or  with  ant 
enlightened  concern  for  the  permanent  welfare  of  those  por 
tions  of  its  people  who  may  be  interested  in  foreign  commerce. 
Treasure  belonging  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  has 
been  seized  by  Mexican  officers,  in  its  transit  from  the  capital 
to  the  coast ;  vessels  of  the  United  States  have  been  captured, 
detained,  an.d  condemned,  upon  the  most  frivolous  pretexts ; 
duties  have  been  exacted  from  others,  notoriously  against  law, 
or  without  law  ;  others  have  been  employed  —  and  in  some 
instances  ruined  —  in  the  Mexican  service,  without  compensa 
tion  to  the  owners.  Citizens  of  the  United  States  have  been 
imprisoned  for  long  periods  of  time,  without  being  informed 
of  the  offences  with  which  they  were  charged.  Others  have 
been  murdered  and  robbed  by  Mexican  officers,  on  the  high 
seas,  without  any  attempt  to  bring  the  guilty  to  justice." 

This  was  in  1837.  In  1839  a  commission  was  appointed 
by  the  two  governments  to  determine  the  amount  of  the  claims 
due  to  our  citizens.  This  commission,  being  limited  as  to  time, 
only  a  portion  of  the  business  was  accomplished.  The  amount 
reported  to  be  paid  was  $2,026,139  68  ;  and  this  sum  Mexico 
stipulated  to  pay  by  instalments.  It  was  divided  into  twenty 
instalments,  and  but  three  were  ever  paid.  It  has  been  re 
marked,  "  that  the  damages  received  by  our  citizens,  from 
1839  to  1845,  inclusive,  exceeded  the  amount  of  those  three 
instalments  ;  for  while  Mexico  was  paying  these  small  amounts, 
14 


158  THE    JUSTICE    OF    THE    WAR,    AND   ITS    RESULTS. 

comparatively,  on  one  hand,  she  was  committing  depredations 
on  the  other."  * 

The  position  of  our  government,  in  1845,  was,  indeed,  a 
painful  one.  It  had  no  right  to  relieve  Mexico  from  her  obli 
gations  ;  it  could  not  consistently,  with  its  own  dignity,  sub 
mit  to  new  insult ;  it  could  not  force  her  to  negotiate,  nor 
could  it  determine  upon  war,  where  the  disparity  of  power 
and  condition  would  give  to  success  no  glory,  and  to  victory 
no  indemnity. 

As  our  government  assumed,  with  all  humility,  the  initiative 
in  reestablishing  diplomatic  relations  between  the  two  coun 
tries  after  they  had  been  interrupted  by  the  act  of  Mexico, 
Mexico  reciprocated  by  assuming  the  initiative  in  commencing 
hostilities. 

Perhaps  our  government  was  too  reluctant  to  take  upon 
itself  the  responsibility  of  a  war  against  a  sister  Republic,  in 
which  its  motives  might  be  assailed,  and  its  objects  misunder 
stood  or  misrepresented.  War  makes  no  part  of  the  policy  of 
our  country.  Our  people  are  lovers  of  peace.  It  cannot  be 
otherwise.  War  does  not  help  our  commerce  or  protect 
our  industry.  It  injures  both ;  and  our  citizens  are  slow  to 
sanction  what  will  lessen  their  interests.  When  war,  however, 
becomes  a  duty  that  cannot  be  avoided  with  honor  and  integrity, 
it  is  met  with  a  spirit  of  patriotism  and  firmness  that  need  only 
to  be  directed  to  command  results  which  will  tend  to  establish 
more  firmly  the  blessings  of  peace. t 

*  See  speech,  of  Hon.  Mr.  Jameson,  January,  1848. 

f  It  is  remarked  with  great  truth  by  Macaulay,  in  his  review  of 
Hallam's  Constitutional  History,  that, 

"  If  there  is  any  truth  established  by  the  universal  experience  of 
nations,  it  is  this,  that  to  carry  the  spirit  of  peace  into  war,  is  a  weak 
and  cruel  policy.  The  time  of  negotiation  is  the  time  of  delibera 
tion  and  delay.  But  when  an  extreme  case  calls  for  that  remedy, 
which  is  in  its  own  nature  most  violent,  and  which  in  such  cases  is 
a  remedy  only  because  it  is  violent,  it  is  idle  to  think  of  mitigating 
and  diluting.  Languid  wrar  can  do  nothing  which  negotiation  or 
submission  will  not  do  better  ;  and  to  act  on  any  other  principle  is 
not  to  save  blood  and  money,  but  to  squander  them." 


THE    JUSTICE    OF    THE    WAR.   AND    ITS    RESULTS.  159 

In  this  war  with  Mexico,  our  government  had  a  national  duty 
to  perform.  The  time  had  arrived  when  justice  must  be 
done  to  Mexico.  It  was  required  by  the  interests  of  this 
country  ;  it  was  demanded  by  the  interests  of  all  nations  ;  and, 
—  more  important  than  to  all  others,  —  it  was  due  to  Mexico 
herself.  Her  commercial,  domestic,  and  moral  condition  made 
the  duty  an  imperative  one,  that  she  might  be  saved  from  her 
own  acts.  Her  crisis  had  come.  She  had  done  nothing  well, 
nothing  promptly.  Both  England  and  France  long  since  were 
compelled  to  threaten  her,  to  secure  their  rights.  And  if  this 
country  had  not  been  involved  in  the  business  of  chastisement, 
<he  duty  would  soon  have  fallen  to  other  powers. 

Fortunately  for  Mexico  that  her  destiny  was  placed  in  our 
seeping.  Fortunately  for  us,  that  such  was  the  event ;  for  had 
t  been  otherwise,  the  calamities  of  war  would  doubtless  have 
ieen  multiplied.*  Other  powers  would  not  have  been  per 
mitted  by  the  United  States  to  secure  by  conquest  any  perma 
nent  interest  on  this  continent,  more  than  they  now  hold. 
And  doubly  fortunate  for  Mexico ;  for  if  she  has  within  her 
limits  sufficient  energies  to  lead  her  onward  to  success,  she 
has  only  to  avail  herself  of  the  aid  which  the  United  States  are 
abundantly  able  to  give,  and  she  may  yet  succeed  as  a  nation. 
The  great  lesson  for  her  to  study  is  the  history  of  herself,  — 
the  causes  of  her  misfortunes,  of  her  adverses,  and  the  jus 
tice  of  the  penalties  which  have  been  inflicted  upon  her. 

It  is  supposed  by  some  that  Mexico  loses  by  the  war.t 
That  she  parts  with  her  treasures  as  indemnity  for  its  expenses. 
That  she  has  lessened  her  means  of  national  prosperity,  and 
impoverished  her  people,  in  making  concessions  which  were 

*  The  U.  S.  flag  was  raised  in  California.  If  this  had  been  de 
layed  a  single  day,  the  British  flag  would  have  waved  over  that 
territory. 

f  See  Appendix  A  A.  We  give  the  treaty  without  comment.  Our 
limits  do  not  permit  us  to  speak  either  of  its  terms  or  of  the  manner 
of  its  execution.  This  we  may  do  in  a  more  extended  work. 


160  THE   JUSTICE    OF    THE    WAR,    AND    ITS    RESULTS. 

stipulated  by  the  treaty  of  peace.  This  is  a  mistake.  She 
has,  indeed,  lost  a  degree  of  her  national  importance.  Her 
pride  has  been  humbled,  her  vanity  has  been  rebuked,  her 
false  position  has  been  exposed  and  realized,  and  some  of  her 
people  have  fallen  in  battle ;  in  these  mortifications  and  visita 
tions,  her  sufferings  have  been  great.  It  is  right  that  they 
should  be  great.  It  is  natural.  It  is  just.  Wrong  doing  is 
corrected  by  pain  and  suffering.  Great  benefits  are  guarded 
by  severe  penalties,  whenever  and  wherever  violated  or  abused. 
The  changes  to  which  Mexico  has  been  subjected,  are  for 
her  good,  her  gain.  She  has  ceded  a  portion  of  that  territory 
to  which  she  has  proved  false.  Like  the  steward  in  the  para 
ble,  she  hid  the  talent  that  was  given  her  to  be  improved,  and 
made  no  interest.  It  was  a  territory  that  gave  her  no  income, 
and  to  which  she  could  afford  no  protection.  She  bad  proved 
her  incapacity  to  develop  the  treasures  of  her  soils,  her  forests, 
and  her  mines.  She  rested  upon  that  beautiful  region  of  the 
earth  an  incumbrance.*  She  was  idle,  where  all  nature 
invited  to  industry  ;  f  she  was  poor,  where  riches  abounded  on 

*  It  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  it  is  impossible  for  one  who 
has  not  been  on  the  table-lands  of  Mexico  to  conceive  of  a  climate 
so  Elysian.  There  is  not  a  day,  and  scarcely  an  hour,  in  the  year 
when  one  could  say,  I  wish  it  were  a  little  warmer  or  a  little  cooler. 
No  spot  on  earth  will  be  more  desirable  than  this  for  a  residence 
whenever  it  is  in  possession  of  our  race,  with  the  government  and 
laws  they  carry  with  them  wherever  they  go.  — Thompson's  Recol 
lections. 

t  Although  the  whole  road  from  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz  to  the  city 
of  Mexico  passes  through  a  country  inexpressively  picturesque  and 
beautiful,  yet  the  ignorant,  idle,  and  degraded  population,  the  total 
absence  of  cultivation  and  improvement,  and  a  general  appearance 
of  wildness  and  desolation,  produced  with  me  feelings  partaking  of 
gloom  and  melancholy.  Neither  in  going  nor  returning  did  I  see 
one  human  being,  man,  woman,  or  child,  engaged  at  work  of  any  sort. 
The  great  mass  of  population  doze  out  their  lives  with  no  higher 
thoughts  or  purposes  than  the  beasts  which  perish  around  them. 
—  Thompson's  Recollections. 


THE    JUSTICE    OF    THE    WAR,    AND    ITS    RESULTS.  161 

every  hand  ;  *  her  highways  were  marked  by  the  emblems  of 
her  religion,  but  instead  of  representing  examples  of  good 
ness,  of  duty,  of  piety,  they  were  made  the  sad  index  of  out 
rage  and  murder. t  In  her  domestic  circles,  her  people  Vere 
thoughtless,  vain,  and  heartless.  Without  a  permanent  interest 
in  the  soil,  their  labors  were  selfish  and  temporary.^  They 
had  but  little  to  hope  for,  and  they  had  but  little  encourage 
ment  in  their  incitements  to  duty.  Their  priests  had  the 
influence  of  friends,  while  their  rule  was  more  fatal  than  the 
maledictions  of  foes.  Their  pleasures  were  deemed  para 
mount  to  duty.  They  could  not  comprehend  the  advantage  of 
improvement ;  they  did  not  understand  the  power  of  knowledge, 
nor  appreciate  the  blessings  that  come  from  toil,  time,  and 
system.  Their  time  was  counted  from  sun  to  sun,  and  what 
the  morrow  should  bring  forth  was  a  matter  having  no  place  in 
their  economy.  Their  entire  domain  was  but  the  field  of  con 
test,  civil  war,  and  bloodshed ;  faction  displacing  faction, 
anarchy  passing  for  peace,  and  despotism  for  self-government. 
That  such  a  nation,  such  a  people,  were  spared  so  long,  is 

*  "  One  thing,"  says  Gilliam,  "  I  must  not  forget  to  mention, 
—  which  must  excite  the  contempt  of  the  American  agriculturist,  — 
the  manure  of  a  hacienda  is  never  spread  over  the  land,  but  in  every 
instance  is  thrown  out  of  the  way  in  heaps,  and  when  the  winds  and 
sun  have  sufficiently  dried  it,  it  is  set  on  fire  and  suffered  to  con 
sume.  A  gentleman  once  told  me  that  he  had  seen  a  pile  on  fire  for 
twelve  months,  the  conflagration  being  very  slow." 

f  When  a  traveller  is  murdered,  it  is  customary  to  bury  him  on 
the  highway,  and  erect  a  cross  over  his  grave.  Gilliam  says  that 
"  he  verily  believes  that  there  is  not  a  mile  on  the  thoroughfare,  from 
Mexico  to  Vera  Cruz,  that  has  not  flowed  with  the  blood  of  plun- 
dei'ed  and  murdered  individuals  ;  and  where  you  may  behold  upon 
either  hand  the  sad  and  many  emblems  of  the  crucifix  over  fallen 
travellers." 

j  "  There  is  no  country  in  the  world,"  says  Gilliam,  "  from  the 
best  information  I  could  obtain,  where  individual  citizens  hold  as 
large  bodies  of  land  as  in  Mexico,  and  it  is  estimated  that,  from 
seven  millions  of  inhabitants,  in  all  probability,  less  than  five  hundred 
thousand  are  the  owners  of  all  the  terra,  firma  of  that  rich  country." 
14* 


162  THE    JUSTICE    OF    THE    WAR,   AND    ITS    RESULTS. 

an  example  of  God's  mercy,  almost  without  a  parallel.  There 
was  nothing  that  could  save  the  nation  but  justice.  The  manner 
in  which  this  justice  has  been  administered  by  the  government 
of  the  United  States  is  an  example  worthy  to  be  studied,  and 
emulated  by  all  the  nations  of  the  earth.  Its  effects  upon 
other  nations  of  great  power,  will  more  than  compensate  for 
all  the  sufferings  of  the  war.  They  will  be  led  to  reconsider 
the  rights  of  their  dependents,  and  more  fully  to  provide  for 
their  wants. 

What  Mexico  may  gain  by  the  war,  is  nationality.  If  she 
improves  her  lessons  of  experience,  they  will  yield  her  wis 
dom  and  give  her  strength.  She  has  been  paid  a  sum  of 
money  for  that  which  has  yielded  her  nothing  in  the  past,  and 
which  promised  her  nothing  in  the  future.  If  her  people 
would  hold  her  remaining  territory,  let  them  study  the  condi 
tions  by  which  alone  they  can  hope  to  succeed  ;  and,  if  they 
manifest  a  desire  to  do  right,  and  persevere,  they  need  have 
no  fear  of  failure.* 

The  gain  to  the  government  of  the  United  States,  is  the  pres 
ervation  of  its  own  integrity.  It  has  been  true  to  the  great 
cause  of  liberty,  justice,  and  humanity.  It  has  been  true  to 
republican  principles  ;  true  in  the  midst  of  temptation  ;  —  true 
to  itself,  wherein  are  centred  the  hopes,  the  strength  of  all 
republics  throughout  the  world.  It  has  taught  the  great  lesson, 
in  fearful  letters  of  blood,  that  republics  are  not  to  be  exempted 

*  "There  is  only  one  cure,"  says  Macaulay,  "for  the  evils  which 
newly-acquired  freedom  produces,  and  that  cure  is  freedom !  When 
a  prisoner  leaves  his  cell,  he  cannot  bear  the  light  of  day ;  he  is 
unable  to  discriminate  colors,  or  recognize  faces ;  but  the  remedy  is 
not  to  remand  him  into  his  dungeon,  but  to  accustom  him  to  the 
rays  of  the  sun.  The  blaze  of  truth  and  liberty  may  at  first  dazzle 
and  bewilder  nations,  which  have  become  half  blind  in  the  house  of 
bondage ;  but  let  them  gaze  on,  and  they  will  soon  be  able  to  bear  it. 
In  a  few  years  men  learn  to  reason  ;  the  extreme  violence  of  opinion 
subsides ;  hostile  theories  correct  each  other ;  the  scattered  elements 
of  truth  cease  to  conflict,  and  begin  to  coalesce ;  at  length,  a  system 
of  justice  and  order  is  educed  out  of  the  chaos." 


THE   JUSTICE    OF    THE    WAR,   AND    ITS    RESULTS.  163 

from  national  calamities,  if  they  permit  national  evils  and 
national  wrongs  ;  that  national  greatness  consists  in  national 
goodness  ;  that  national  strength  is  to  be  found  in  the  virtue  and 
intelligence  of  the  people. 

In  the  language  of  an  eloquent  senator,*  "  National  character 
is  national  power ;  and  the  purer,  the  more  elevated,  the  more 
spotless  the  character,  the  greater  the  power.  I  trust,  there 
fore,  in  God,  that  I  am  right  in  the  opinion  that  this  war  is  upon 
our  part  just  and  honorable. 

"  Mexico  is  answerable  for  all  these  sad  and  sickening 
results.  The  war  is  just,  because  she  commenced  it.  It  does 
exist  by  her  act ;  and,  so  help  me  God,  but  for  that  conviction, 
as  I  reverence  truth  and  detest  falsehood,  I  would  never  have 
voted  for  the  act  of  the  thirteenth  of  May,  1846." 

By  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  the  gain  to  our 
country  is  gain  to  the  cause  of  freedom,  t  Our  government 
receives  no  treasure,  our  people  receive  no  wealth.  Not  one 
man  of  our  twenty  millions  of  people  has  the  individual  ben 
efit  of  a  single  farthing  extorted  from  Mexico  by  the  conquests 
when  achieved. 

It  is  true,  the  ceded  territory  will  doubtless  prove  of  great  con 
sequence  to  the  future  inhabitants  of  this  country ;  but  the  priv 
ileges  secured  are  purely  national,  not  individual,  and  they  give 
power  to  a  nation  that  is  able  and  willing  to  protect  them,  and 
the  universal  cause*  of  right  in  all  coming  time.  The  gain  is 
not  for  the  good  of  this  country  alone,  it  is  a  gain  to  humanity. 
It  is  not  for  the  American,  but  for  the  race.  This  continent  is 
to  be  the  vast  asylum  of  the  world,  for  man  to  inhabit,  in  his 
weakness  or  strength,  and  to  receive  protection  and  encour 
agement. 

The  conquests  of  our  army  are  not  like  those  of  the  early 
ages  of  the  world,  where  confiscation  of  property,  and  where 
liberty,  were  the  forfeitures  of  defeat.  We  sought  power  that 
justice  might  be  done,  and  protection  given.  Our  government 
asks  nothing  from  its  people,  but  faithfulness  to  themselves,  to 

*  Hon.  Reverdy  Johnson.  f  See  Appendix  B  B. 


164  THE    JUSTICE    OF    THE    WAR,    AND    ITS    RESULTS. 

their  rights,  and  to  their  institutions.  Their  moral  condition 
characterizes  their  institutions  ;  it  gives  them  birth,  it  gives  them 
being.  The  people  are  made  their  own  protectors,  their  own 
guides,  their  own  masters.  The  government  of  the  United 
States  is  but  a  manifestation  of  their  wishes,  an  imbodiment  of 
their  power. 

It  is  asked,  with  apparent  sincerity,  by  some,  "  What  right 
have  we  to  invade  Mexico  ?  What  right  have  we  to  reduce  a 
nation  already  too  feeble  to  support  itself,  already  too  misera 
ble  for  existence,  and  to  dictate  terms  for  settlement  of  expen 
ditures  which  have  given  us  the  power  to  lay  her  prostrate  at 
*our  feet  ?  " 

By  what  right  have  we  the  power  to  do  any  thing  ?  By 
what  right  is  the  soil  of  our  land  divided  among  its  people  ? 
By  what  right  does  the  citizen  ask  to  be  protected  from  wrong  ? 
By  what  right  do  freemen  claim  liberty  of  thought  and  con 
science  ?  By  what  right  do  we  ask  to  be  protected  in  our  com 
forts,  pleasures,  and  homes  ?  By  what  right  do  we  demand 
institutions  of  freedom  and  of  knowledge  ? 

BY    THE    RIGHTS    OF    JUSTICE  AND  HUMANITY.       By  the  rights 

developed  in  God's  providence,  and  which  may  be  extended  to 
all  people,  when  all  people  shall  know  the  laws  and  under 
stand  them,  by  which  men,  and  governments,  and  nations  may 
live,  nourish,  and  be  happy. 

If  man  will  but  study  the  destiny  of  mai>  and  of  nations,  he 
will  see  a  harmony  of  constitution  pervading  the  circles  of 
society,  and  extending  from  a  family  to  a  nation,  and  from  a 
nation  to  the  world.  There  is  a  cause  which  would  lift  up  the 
individual  to  the  performance  of  the  duties  of  social  life  ;  there 
is  another  that  would  elevate  the  citizen  for  the  good  of  his 
country  ;  there  is  another  that  seeks  to  give  strength  and  char 
acter  to  a  nation,  and  still  another  that  gives  compacts  and 
laws  to  nations,  the  greatest,  the  widest  cause  of  all.  The 
rights  of  nations  are  to  be  exercised  for  the  good  of  nations. 
The  universal  good  of  nations  consists  in  justice  and  integrity. 
In  the  name  of  this  sacred  cause,  the  cause  of  GOD,  the  prog- 


THE    JUSTICE    OF    THE    WAR,    AND    ITS    RESULTS.  165 

ress  of  man,  the  freedom  of  mind  and  body  throughout  the 
whole  earth,  this  war  was  prosecuted  by  the  government  of  the 
United  States,  in  its  wisdom,  as  an  act  of  JUSTICE. 

It  is  a  passage  of  great  truth,  in  one  of  the  speeches  of 
Governor  Cass,  that  "  All  wars  are  to  be  deprecated,  as  well  by 
the  statesman  as  by  the  philanthropist.  They  are  great  evils, 
but  there  are  greater  evils  than  these,  and  submission  to  injustice 
is  among  them.  The  nation  which  should  refuse  to  defend  its 
rights  and  its  honor,  would  soon  have  neither  to  defend." 


166  PARTY  VIEWS   AND   PARTY   PRINCIPLES. 


PARTY  VIEWS  AND  PARTY   PRINCIPLES. 


THE  present  condition  of  political  parties  in  this  country,  is 
a  subject  of  singular  interest  to  the  citizen  and  to  the  observer. 
The  elements  which  constitute  the  causes  of  difference,  and 
the  difference  of  principle,  of  profession  and  of  action,  are  so 
diversified  and  opposite  in  character,  that  it  is  a  matter  of  no 
small  difficulty  for  the  candid  mind  to  decide  what  course  of 
influence  is  safest  and  best ;  to  discriminate  between  the  tran 
sient  and  permanent,  to  draw  a  just  line  of  distinction  between 
the  honest  and  dishonest  pretensions  of  political  leaders. 

In  no  country,  perhaps,  are  the  rights  of  the  citizen,  and 
the  nature  of  government,  so  much  discussed  as  in  this,  not 
only  by  the  well-informed,  but  by  the  ignorant ;  and  yet 
there  seems  to  be  but  little  practical  knowledge  developed  and 
systematized. 

There  is,  indeed,  a  diffusive  expression  of  opinion,  and  an 
apparent  maturity  of  judgment,  but  a  little  attention  to  the 
views  of  many  of  those  who  claim  to  be  the  light  of  the  peo 
ple,  must  convince  any  one  that  they  are  not  only  selfish,  but 
that  they  really  have  no  philosophical  basis  of  their  own. 

The  modern  politician  is  too  superficial  to  be  a  discerning 
leader,  and  too  much  the  creature  of  circumstance  to  be  a 
safe  adviser.  This  is  true,  in  some  degree,  of  all  parties. 
He  sees  but  a  part  of  the  whole,  and  judges  the  whole  without 
regard  to  the  parts.  He  appeals  too  much  to  local  interests 
and  prejudices ;  and  if  he  cannot  gain  his  ends  by  an  open  and 
frank  avowal  of  his  principles,  he  is  too  ready  to  employ  indi 
rect  and  unworthy  means  for  their  accomplishment.  His 


TARTY    VIEWS    AND    PARTY    PRINCIPLES.  167 

policy  is  a  transient  one  ;  and,  instead  of  anticipating  and  pro 
viding  for  the  distant  evils  of  favorite  measures,  he  sees 
nothing  but  the  present  good. 

This  view  is  no  fiction,  but  a  reality.  We  can  exempt  no 
State  from  the  application ;  it  is  due  to  all,  and  all  seem  lo 
be  involved  in  difficulties  incident  to  selfishness.  New  expe 
dients  receive  attention  to  the  neglect  of  settled  principles, 
and  the  policy  of  the  moment  is  in  favor,  at  the  expense  of 
what  should  make  the  policy  of  a  generation.  Most  parties 
speak  much  truth,  in  opposition  to  one  another ;  all  parties 
commit  their  errors  upon  different  subjects,  at  different 
periods. 

In  this  state  of  things,  in  this  confusion  of  profession,  of 
principle,  of  practice  and  malpractice,  it  requires  an  extraor 
dinary  degree  of  moral  courage  to  stand  above  the  temptations 
of  designing  men. 

It  becomes  the  natural  inquiry  of  the  citizen  how  he  is  to 
distinguish  the  right  from  the  wrong ;  and,  without  more  error 
than  falls  to  the  lot  of  humanity,  to  do  his  duty  to  himself  and 
to  his  country.  What  make  the  standards  of  party  ?  Which 
standard  is  right,  and  how  are  others  wrong  ? 

We  deem  this  a  profitable  subject  of  inquiry.  It  is  not  a 
new  one.  It  may  not  be  an  interesting  one.  All  will  agree 
in  its  importance.  If  we  do  not  enlighten  our  readers,  they 
will  admit,  we  doubt  not,  that  it  is  some  service  to  remind  them 
of  what  they  know  and  to  render  familiar  the  fundamental 
principles  of  our  institutions,  which  should  ever  be  present  with 
a  party  that  trusts  to  be  permanent. 

Parties  are  either  permanent  or  transient ;  the  former  recog 
nizing  fundamental  principles,  which  forever  remain  true  ;  the 
latter,  organizing  and  reorganizing  according  to  incidental  cir 
cumstances,  local  interests,  special  interests,  or  special  reforms. 
The  former  raises  its  standard,  declares  its  principles,  and 
through  them  reach  the  various  causes  of  reform,  and  adopts 
all  practicable  measures  that  promise  to  conduce  to  the  pros 
perity  of  the  country.  The  latter  is  either  conservative,  or 
ultra,  or  special,  or  local.  It  carries  the  standard  of  a  day  ;  it 


168  PARTY    VIEWS    AND    PARTY    PRINCIPLES. 

avows  but  one  principle  of  a  thousand.  It  is  partial,  and  looks 
to  a  single  interest,  severed  from  its  connection  with  more 
important  ones.  It  seeks  to  increase  the  power  of  the  few, 
without  regarding  that  the  expense  is  to  the  many.  It  is  con 
servative  iri  the  great  party,  it  is  intolerant  in  the  small.  It 
existed  yesterday,  and  to-day  it  is  not.  The  influence  of 
these  parties  is  not  continued  and  concentrated  within  them 
selves  ;  but  whatever  they  mature  of  right  soon  reaches  and 
is  made  to  help  and  elevate  the  dominant  party. 

We  would  not  denounce  such  parties.  We  would  not 
denounce  any  party.  We  claim  to  prove  a  party  in  the  right ; 
and  if  a  party  be  in  the  wrong,  it  may  be  shown  by  our  stand 
ard,  or  it  may  be  proved  so  by  its  own  measures.  We  do  not 
mean  that  we  would  extend  to  such  parties  our  favor,  for  this 
would  be  a  compromise  of  principle.  We  do  not  mean  that 
we  would  spare  them  from  attack,  for  this  would  be  a  com 
promise  of  duty.  We  mean,  that  we  will  not  denounce  a  party 
because  we  are  not  counted  one  of  its  members ;  but  we  would 
subject  it  to  the  severest  scrutiny,  to  the  severest  test  known  to 
science,  or  demanded  by  principle.  We  would  try  it  by  its 
own  standard,  and  by  that  which  we  deemed  to  be  permanent. 
We  would  prove  it  to  be  in  the  wrong,  or  admit  it  to  be  in  the 
right.  We  would  be  firm  without  dogmatism,  and  bold  with 
out  arrogance. 

We  can  see  much  good  in  the  conflicts  of  party.  Parties  are 
not  voluntary  associations,  made  up  of  men  who  choose  their 
part  without  reference  to  convictions.  We  have  a  higher 
respect  for  the  people  than  to  suppose  that  their  faith  is  the 
result  of  their  interest  or  their  will.  We  do  not  deny  excep 
tions.  Men  act  from  the  evidence  that  is  in  them,  and  around 
them,  and  before  them.  Their  opinions  are  spontaneous,  their 
motives  rest  in  conscience,  and  their  acts  should  appear  in 
conformity  to  these.  They  are  independent  as  individuals, 
and  as  individuals  they  act  in  parties.  They  have  individual 
interests,  and  party  interests.  The  individual  seeks  to  bring 
the  party  to  himself,  but  as  all  cannot  be  exemplars,  all  yield 
minor  views,  and  unite  on  certain  great  and  fundamental  prin- 


PARTY    VIEWS    AND    PARTY    PRINCIPLES.  169 

ciplcs.  What  cannot  be  gained  at  once,  must  come  by 
degrees.  What  cannot  be  understood  at  once,  must  be  taught 
by  degrees.  What  is  not  practicable  now,  must  be  studied  as 
a  future  measure.  Party  zeal  may  outstrip  party  prudence  ; 
but  party  prudence  should  yield  nothing  to  cowardice  at  the 
expense  of  principle.  While  it  is  admitted  that  zeal  may  save 
us  from  lethargy,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  judgment  may 
save  us  from  the  errors  of  careless  or  hasty  thinking. 

The  deep  lines  of  party  distinction  represent  frequently 
great  and  important  interests.  Men  are  influenced  by  what 
they  have,  or  by  what  they  want.  They  design  to  be  true,  but 
they  are  frequently  blinded  by  their  interest.  They  design  to 
be  just,  but  they  err  in  not  respecting  the  motives  of  their 
opponents.  They  intend  to  be  charitable,  but  they  mistake  the 
objects  of  charity  for  the  subjects  of  censure.* 

The  existence  of  parties  constitutes  the  means  of  political 
progress.  Parties  may  be  violent,  they  may  agitate  a  whole 
nation,  and  threaten  its  peace  ;  but  without  this  exercise  no 
nation  can  have  maturity,  no  nation  can  have  strength  or 
acquire  glory.  What  exercise  is  to  the  physical  svstem,  it  is 
to  the  nation.  It  develops  its  means  of  strength.  The  conflict 
of  opinion  is  the  exercise  of  mind  ;  the  conflict  of  party  make 
that  of  a  nation.  We  would  not  encourage  division  unless 
made  subservient  to  a  well-tried  standard,  nor  would  we  lament 
it  if  dictated  by  honest  motives. 

In  this  country  there  are  two  great  parties ;  the  democratic, 
or  republican  party,  and  the  conservative,  or  \vhig  party. 

The  democratic  party  has  its  standard  of  principle  and  its 
rule  of  action.  It  seeks  to  reach  the  whole  people,  and  to 
secure  equal  rights  to  all,  without  unjust  sacrifice  to  any.  It 
stands  upon  the  basis  of  the  Constitution,  and  yields  none  of  its 
safeguards  to  construction.  It  sustains  the  humblest  citizen 
in  all  his  rights,  and  the  States  in  their  prerogatives  of  sover 
eignty.  It  favors  simplicity  of  life,  the  elevation  of  the 

*  See  Appendix  C  C. 

15 


170  PARTY    VIEWS    AND    PARTY    PRINCIPLES. 

people,  and  rigid  economy  in  the  administration  of  government. 
It  acts  from  itself  outwardly,  and  seeks  to  extend  the  greatest 
good  to  the  whole  people.  The  declarations  of  the  party, 
adopted  years  ago,  still  remain  the  standard.  As  new  meas 
ures  are  acted  upon  and  determined,  they  cease  to  continue 
subjects  of  party  discussion.  Omitting  these,  the  resolutions 
adopted  by  the  Baltimore  convention,  in  1844,  were  readopted 
by  the  convention  of  1848.  We  copy  them  in  our  Appendix, 
as  irnbodying  fundamental  views.* 

The  history  of  the  democratic  party  shows  that,  when  its 
measures  have  been  tested,  they  have  proved  true  to  their  ob 
jects.  Having  been  the  dominant  party  of  the  country,  our 
prosperity  as  a  nation  is  justly  attributable  to  its  prudent  meas 
ures.  In  the  operations  of  government,  it  has  been  prudent  in 
its  expenditures  and  faithful  to  its  trusts.  We  have  inserted  in 
the  Appendix,  tables  exhibiting  the  receipts  and  expenditures 
of  government  from  1789  to  1846-7,t  and  the  losses  of 
government  from  1789  to  18374  The  losses  since  1844,  have 
been  very  small,  —  indeed,  we  have  no  account  of  any. 

These  tables  exhibit  a  degree  of  economy  in  the  government  of 
a  nation  which  must  be  highly  gratifying  to  all  parties.  It  is  a 
proper  subject  of  national  congratulation  at  home,  and  it  affords 
an  example  of  most  fearful  import  to  other  powers  abroad. 

In  noticing  the  conservative,  or  whig  party,  we  speak  of  it 
as  such,  without  wishing  to  be  considered  discourteous  to  the 
many  estimable  citizens  who  rank  themselves  as  members  of  it. 
We  invite  them  to  an  impartial  examination  of  principles.  If 
they  would  characterize  the  measures  of  government  by  their 
talents  and  influence,  their  proper  course,  let  us  respectfully 
suggest,  is  to  join  the  dominant  party. 

The  conservative  party  places  its  standard  in  particular 
measures.  When  those  measures  are  lost,  its  standard  is  gone. 
It  is  in  opposition  to  the  dominant  party.  It  is  the  veto  party 
to  the  rights  of  the  people. 

*  See  Appendix  DD.     t  See  Appendix  EE.     I  See  Appendix  FF. 


PARTY    VIEWS    AND    PARTY    PRINCIPLES.  171 

It  opposed  the  war  of  Madison,  in  1812.  It  opposed  the 
war  with  Mexico,  in  1846-7.*  It  opposed  the  free-trade  tariff 
of  1846.  It  opposed  the  sub-treasury  of  1840,  and  repealed 
it  in  1841.  It  opposed  the  constitutional  treasury  of  1846. t  It 
resorted  to  extraordinary  exertions  to  sustain  the  United  States 
Bank,  and  to  renew  its  charter.  In  all  these  examples  their 
opposition  was  against  their  government,  against  the  views  of 
a  large  majority  of  the  people  ;  and  time  will  prove  that  in  no 
instance,  on  great  questions,  has  the  party  been  in  the  right. 


*  "  Every  measure  of  policy  to  which,  the  democratic  party  were 
pledged  by  the  resolutions  of  the  Baltimore  convention,  in  May,  1844, 
have  been  established,  and  the  country  is  now  in  the  enjoyment  of 
their  full  fruition."  *  *  *  "  Thus  it  is  apparent  that  the  whig 
party  before  this  time  would  have  ceased  to  exist,  but  for  their  oppo 
sition  to  the  war."  —  Mr.  Inge's  speech,  House  of  Representatives,  March, 
1848. 

This  is  true,  in  some  degree,  but  not  without  qualification.  The 
whigs  \vill  always  continue  as  a  party,  though  they  may  not  be  true 
to  any  particular  standard.  Conservative  influence  is  as  important 
in  politics  as  it  is  in  science.  Although  it  may  oppose  new  measures 
of  progress,  it  must  be  admitted  that  it  furnishes  new  motives  to  ex 
ertion,  and  opens  new  sources  of  proof  and  illustration  to  sustain 
truth,  and  to  render  more  obvious  the  positions  of  error.  The  whig 
party  is  favored  by  great  wealth,  and  its  interests  will  ever  incite  its- 
members  to  activity.  Its  ranks  are  honored  by  men  of  splendid 
talents  and  extensive  attainments ;  and  to  deny  the  importance  of 
their  exercise  and  use  to  the  country  and  to  the  world,  would  be  an 
act  of  reckless  folly  and  injustice.  Their  opposition  to  error  will  help 
to  make  it  appear  in  its  true  light,  and  their  opposition  to  truth, 
should  their  interests  seem  to  require  it,  will  tend  to  render  its  ben 
efits  more  manifest.  The  party  is  strengthened  and  dignified  by  such, 
men  as  Webster  and  Clay  ;  but  it  cannot  be  true  to  them  unless 
their  principles  and  measure  of  influence  happen  to  coincide  with  its 
temporary  interests  and  fluctuating  notions  of  availability.  Therefore, 
most  of  the  sacrifices  and  mortifications  of  the  party  fall  upon  its 
leaders.  This  arises  from  the  fact  that,  generally,  the  lovers  of  money 
are  not  lovers  of  science.  Opinions  are  made  subservient  to  interests. 

f  The  final  vote  of  the  house  was  123  to  67.  The  vote  of  the  sen 
ate  was  28  to  24  —  strictly  a  party  vote. 


172  PARTY    VIEWS    AND    PARTY    PRINCIPLES. 

It  is  a  party  that  hopes  to  succeed  by  the  supposed  errors 
of  their  opponents,  without  reference  to  any  fundamental  prin 
ciples  of  their  own.  It  favors  the  interests  of  the  rich,  the 
power  of  corporations,  the  influence  of  the  few  at  the  expense 
of  the  many.  It  claims  for  government  a  conservative  action, 
it  claims  for  office  an  advisory  privilege,  and  for  its  members  a 
superiority  of  position. 

The  -great  questions  which  have  marked  its  acts  having  been 
settled,  the  party  is  now  without  a  standard.  They  have  been 
proved  to  be  in  the  wrong  by  the  success  of  widely  different 
measures,  upon  the  same  subjects,  of  the  dominant  party.  They 
are  still  in  the  opposition,  and  without  a  standard.  They  ask 
for  power  on  any  conditions.  They  are  willing  to  join  any 
other  party,  if,  by  combination,  they  can  defeat  the  democracy, 
provided  the  victory,  if  gained,  may  be  called  their  victory. 

There  is  too  much  truth  in  the  remark  of  Matthew  Carey, 
addressed  by  that  writer,  in  the  Olive  Branch,  to  the  federal 
party,  in  1814,  as  applicable  to  the  whig  party  of  the  present 
day :  "  Your  party  rises  as  your  country  sinks ;  it  sinks  as 
your  country  rises." 

When  General  Jackson  was  elevated  to  the  presidency,  they 
knew  no  precedent  so  dangerous  as  to  elect  a  "  military 
chieftain  "  to  that  high  office.  Now  they  have  deserted  their 
own  great  leaders  because  without  prospect  of  success,  and 
have  confirmed  the  nomination  of  an  independent  candidate 
who  acknowledges  no  party,  and  who  is  distinguished  only  as 
a  military  chieftain.  He  was  one  of  the  principal  heroes  of 
the  Mexican  war.  They  opposed  the  war,  not  because  they 
deemed  it  unjust ;  not  because  they  were  friendly  to  Mexico,  — 
for  while  they  were  busy  in  their  opposition,  they  voted 
supplies  for  the  army  and  abused  the  Mexicans,  —  but  because 
they  had  been  opposed  to  the  government  of  the  people  ;  and, 
to  be  consistent,  their  opposition  must  be  still  continued.  When 
it  was  found  that  the  hero  of  Buena  Vista  was  an  available 
candidate,  they  came  forward  to  sustain  him  as  their  candi 
date,  not  because  they  approved  his  views,  or  that  he  was 


PARTY    VIEWS    AND    PARTY    PRINCIPLES.  173 

pledged  to  sustain  theirs,  but  because  he  was  placed  in  opposi 
tion  to  the  candidate  of  the  people.  They  had,  in  Massachu 
setts,  refused  to  vote  him  thanks  for  faithfully  serving  his  coun 
try  ;  not  because  they  deemed  him  unworthy,  but  because  they 
were  opposed  to  the  administration  that  enabled  him  to  become 
distinguished.  Now  that  the  war  is  finished,  they  participate 
in  its  glory,  and  are  ready  to  make  him  president  of  the 
United  States,  not  because  he  is  conversant  with  the  great 
principles  of  government,  and  has  had  experience  in  the 
administration  of  its  affairs,  but  because  he  was  successful  in 
killing  the  Mexicans  ;  and  yet,  but  a  few  months  ago,  they  de 
clared  it  the  enormity  of  sins  that  they  were  killed  at  all.  But 
it  may  be  said,  that  "  this  was  done  under  orders  !  " 

This  is  infinitely  worse.  They  are  even  willing  to  sustain 
General  Taylor,  as  their  candidate,  at  the  expense  of  his 
honor  and  integrity,  —  to  make  it  appear  that  he  considered 
himself  a  mere  hireling,  and  was  ready  to  fight  in  an  unjust,  war 
for  a  salary  !  * 

If  General  Taylor  be  what  many  suppose  him,  —  a  man  of 
sound  sense,  of  firmness,  of  patriotism,  of  honor,  and  integ 
rity  ;  a  gentleman  of  wealth,  and  wanting  the  aid  of  no  man, 
of  no  government ;  a  man,  indeed,  fitted  by  nature  and  educa 
tion  to  honor  the  highest  office  of  this  country,  —  how  shall  we 
speak  of  a  deliberate  opinion,  that  such  a  person,  a  citizen 
soldier,  should  plan  the  destruction  of  an  innocent  people,  the 
people  of  an  injured  nation  ! 

Having  a  high  respect  for  that  distinguished  officer,  we 
doubt  much  whether  he  will  consider  such  views  either  as 
creditable  to  their  authors  or  complimentary  to  himself.  If  he 
should  prove  to  be  the  choice  of  the  people,  and  if  we  are 
correct  with  respect  to  the  peculiar  features  of  his  character,  this 
party,  we  are  inclined  to  believe,  will  have  but  little  reason  to 
congratulate  themselves  upon  that  influence  which  they  covet, 

*  Our  army  is  made  up  of  citizens  ;  its  officers  are  citizens ;  and 
if  any  deem  a  war  unjust,  the  way  is  open  for  resignation. 

15* 


174  PARTY    VIEWS    AND    PARTY    PRINCIPLES. 

or  upon  that  harmony  of  views,  of  which  they  speak  so  much, 
and  know  so  little. 

Upon  the  subject  of  slavery,  this  party  is  disposed  to  take 
both  sides  of  the  question.  It  opposes  Governor  Cass  because 
he  is  against  the  Wilmot  Proviso.  It  opposes  the  Wilmot  Pro 
viso,  because  General  Taylor  is  not  in  favor  of  it.  It  opposes 
Governor  Cass,  because  he  upholds  the  South  in  their  constitu 
tional  rights  in  regard  to  slavery.  It  favors  General  Taylor, 
although  they  know  him  to  be  pledged,  as  a  citizen  and  slave 
holder,  to  sustain  those  interests  which  include  his  own. 

We  point  out  these  peculiar  inconsistencies  to  illustrate  our 
views,  rather  than  to  enjoy  any  satisfaction  which  such  an 
analysis  yields.  We  candidly  confess  there  is  no  pleasure  to 
be  derived  from  facts  which  seem  to  indicate  so  little  self- 
respect,  so  little  regard  for  party  integrity,  and  so  little  faith 
in  their  own  supposed  great  principles. 

A  review  of  the  democratic  party  of  this  country  would 
exhibit  results  highly  gratifying,  but  our  limits  preclude  it  in 
this  place.  It  has  had  its  share  of  error,  unquestionably,  but 
of  its  permanency,  its  triumphant  success,  no  one  can  doubt. 
Its  measures  have  become  a  part  of  history.  Its  views  have 
made  the  nation's  policy,  and  its  principles  the  nation's  glory. 

In  this  connection  it  is  but  an  act  of  justice,  due  alike  to  the 
present  administration,  and  to  the  people,  to  notice  two  great 
measures  which  have  already  proved  the  profound  sagacity  of 
their  projectors,  and  have  added  strength  and  glory  to  the 
democratic  party.  We  allude  to  the  "  constitutional  treas 
ury,"  and  the  tariff  of  1846. 


THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  TREASURY.  175 


THE   CONSTITUTIONAL  TREASURY. 


THE  question  of  the  currency  is  one  of  the  most  important, 
the  most  difficult,  that  can  claim  the  action  of  government  or 
the  attention  of  the  people. 

Without  a  good  system  of  currency,  enterprise  loses  its  in 
ducements,  business  becomes  confused,  and  industry  fails  to 
receive  its  just  reward. 

In  the  currency  of  a  country  eveiy  man's  interest  is  in 
volved,  and  as  it  is  regulated  by  government,  as  a  question  it  is 
frequently  made  an  engine  of  political  influence.  Its  peculiar 
power  is  well  understood  by  politicians.  If  times  are  prosper 
ous,  credit  is  given  to  the  government  for  judicious  manage 
ment,  even  though  government  has  done  nothing  to  make 
them  so.  If  times  are  adverse  or  disastrous,  then  the  govern 
ment  is  made  responsible  for  the  folly  of  the  people,  or  their 
institutions ;  and  many  are  ready  to  unite  in  opposition  to  all 
its  measures,  though  the  subject  of  the  currency  may  not  be 
involved  in  any  one  of  them. 

A  good  system  may  be  badly  managed,  or  a  bad  system 
may  be  well  managed,  and  both  appear  equally  successful. 
A  good  system  may  be  perverted,  or  subjected  to  extraneous 
influences.  It  becomes,  therefore,  a  matter  of  great  impor 
tance  that  a  system  should  be  as  free  as  possible  from  all  these 
contingent  relations.  That  it  should  be  independent  in  its  oper 
ations  of  those  circumstances  of  interest,  excess  of  transaction, 
or  adverse  results  of  trade,  of  which  this  country  has  no 


176  THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  TREASURY. 

occasion  to  be  advised.  That  its  safeguards  should  be  within 
itself,  standing  as  a  whole,  in  relation  to  the  people. 

As  yet  such  a  system  has  not  been  reached.  The  different 
States  have  different  banking  systems,  and  with  what  success 
they  have  managed  their  affairs  may  be  inferred  from  the 
fact  that  in  fifty  years— from  1789  to  1841  —  395  banks 
failed,  involving  a  total  loss  to  the  country  of  nearly 
$400,000,000.* 

These  systems  in  the  different  States  have  diversity  of 
merit ;  but  the  greatest  source  of  difficulty  in  all  failures  of 
banks,  has  been  found  to  be  in  their  mismanagement.  There 
is  one  feature,  bo wever,  which  is  common  to  them  all.  They 
admit  a  specie  basis  of  silver  and  gold.  This,  then,  is  the  only 
true  standard  known  to,  or  that  can  be  recognized  by,  our  gen 
eral  government. 

It  is  true,  at  one  period  there  was  an  United  States  Bank,  an 
institution  which  appeared  to  accommodate  the  whole  country. 
It  was  chartered,  however,  with  no  peculiar  provisions  not 
adopted  by  the  State  banks.  It  had  a  large  capital,  and  it  had 
its  branches.  Its  basis,  and  its  mode  of  doing  business  were 
nearly  the  same  as  those  of  the  State  institutions.  It  was 

*  In  1841,  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  the  Hon.  Levi  "VYoodbury, 
made  an  able  report  on  "  the  losses  by  the  general  government, 
and  by  the  people  of  the  United  States,  from  the  use  of  banks  and 
bank  paper,"  from  which,  we  take  the  following 

SUMMARY. 

Losses  by  bank  failures, $108,882,721 

Losses  by   suspension  of  specie   payments   by  banks  ; 

consequent  depreciation  on  their  notes,      ------        95,000,000 

Losses  by  destruction  of  bank  notes  by  accident,  -  -  -          7,121,332 
Losses  by  counterfeit  bank  notes,  beyond  losses  by  coin,         4,444,444 
Losses  by  fluctuations  in  bank  currency  affecting' prices, 
extravagance  in  living,  sacrifices  of  property,  and  by 
only  a  part  of  the  other  incidents  to  the  banking  sys 
tem,  not  computed  above,  at  least, 150,000,000 

Aggregate,  computed, $365,451,497 


THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  TREASURY.  177 

exposed  to  the  same  errors,  to  the  same  dangers,  to  the 
same  temptations.  It  had  no  vital  conservative  principle  of 
its  own.  It  was  in  the  hands  of  men  to  be  managed  for  safety 
and  for  interest.  These  two  conditions  are  not  always  compat 
ible  with  each  other.  The  conditions  of  safety  may  not  always 
conduce  to  our  interests,  and  it  is  certain  that  our  supposed 
interests  do  not  always  lead  to  safety.  The  system  of  discount 
is  a  system  of  credit.  It  is  the  assumption  of  risk,  for  an 
interest,  and  therefore  subject  to  the  contingencies  of  trade. 
It  is  more  than  this ;  the  prevailing  system  of  discount  is  a 
powerful  stimulant  to  trade,  and  perhaps  to  this  source  more 
than  to  any  other,  are  attributable  the  great  evils  of  over-trad 
ing  and  speculation  of  the  present  day.  The  trader  is  induced 
to  sell  on  credit,  and  to  obtain  discounts  on  all  his  transactions. 
In  this  way  he  makes  a  large  capital  out  of  his  sales,  although 
his  real  capital  may  be  a  small  one.  He  trusts  a  custom 
er  a  certain  amount  for  a  commission,  and  on  a  certain  term 
of  time,  but  he  instantly  parts  with  the  bill  of  his  customer  to  a 
bank,  and  pays  interest,  realizing  ready  money  for  a  new  trans 
action.  This,  often  repeated,  is  called  "  good  business."  The 
debts  are  transferred  to  the  banks,  and  they  become  parties  to 
the  sales  and  risks,  for  interest. 

The  objection  to  this  system  of  discount  is,  that  it  tempts 
men  to  speculate  beyond  their  means.  What  tempts  one, 
tempts  all ;  and  the  aggregate  of  transactions  soon  exceeds  the 
capacity  of  the  currency  of  the  country,  and  failures  become 
inevitable.  If  it  were  required  that  every  man  should  give 
direct  security  for  loans,  as  such,  and  if  every  trader  who 
gave  credit  were  required  to  wait  for  payments  from  his  cus 
tomers,  business  would  become  more  permanent.  Sales  would 
be  less,  but  profits  would  be  more.  Risks  would  be  lessened, 
and  failures  could  seldom  happen. 

But  this  is  not  the  present  condition  of  things.  The  banks 
are  involved  in  the  business  of  the  country.  They  are  subject 
not  only  to  the  disasters  of  mismanagement,  but  to  the  frauds, 
errors,  and  follies  of  the  whole  trading  and  speculating  com- 


178  THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  TREASURY. 

munity.  They  part  with  a  portion  of  their  power  of  self-pro 
tection  whenever  they  assume  a  risk.  They  may  exercise 
their  best  judgment,  their  nicest  prudence,  but  neither  good 
judgment  or  prudence  will  prevent  the  errors  of  others. 

At  one  time,  there  was  no  man  in  the  country  more 
respected  for  his  sound  judgment  and  financial  skill,  than 
Nicholas  Biddle,  president  of  the  United  States  Bank,  chartered 
by  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  That  he  had  as  much  ability  to 
manage  a  bank  well,  as  any  other  man,  we  have  no  doubt.  His 
operations  were  great,  because  his  means  were  great;  and 
though  similar  mistakes  in  less  degree  had  been  committed  by 
others,  thousands  of  times,  his  errors  were  called  great  errors 
because  connected  with  great  sums.  He  was  made  to  believe 
that  he  possessed  more  power  than  he  really  did  possess ;  and 
it  is  easy  to  see,  that  after  this  step  was  gained,  it  led  to  another 
and  a  more  fatal  one.  He  was  asked  to  give  more  aid  than  he 
was  able  to  give.  Others  were  made  to  believe  that  he  had 
the  power,  and  he  adopted  the  error,  and  attempted  to  execute 
financial  impossibilities.  In  the  end,  he  alone  was  unjustly 
held  responsible.  The  results  are  before  the  world.  The 
bank  committed  its  errors,  and  lost  its  power.  It  failed.  The 
government  of  the  bank,  doubtless,  had  its  share  of  error  in 
its  operations  ;  but  the  actual  causes  of  its  failure  were  with 
those  who  subjected  the  institution  to  transactions  that  were  in 
evitably  ruinous  in  their  nature.  It  is  true,  the  bank  had  the 
power  to  negative  a  proposition,  but  it  must  be  remembered 
that  even  this  is  often  mastered  by  superior  influence,  or  supe 
rior  interests.  This  bank  differed  from  other  banks  only  in 
the  extent  of  its  capital.  It  was  no  safer  because  it  was  large. 
If  it  had  more  means  it  was  subjected  to  more  risks,  and  in  no 
way  was  it  exempted  from  the  penalties  of  error,  fraud,  or 
mismanagement. 

It  was  an  extraordinary  foresight  in  President  Jackson,  that 
the  former  Bank  of  the  United  States,  by  his  firmness  and 
influence,  failed  to  obtain  a  renewal  of  its  charter.  But  for 
his  firmness  and  unexampled  integrity  it  would  have  been 


THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  TREASURY.  179 

continued,  perhaps,  even  to  this  day.  He  saw  in  it  elements 
not  warranted  by  the  Constitution,  and  such  as  were  dangerous 
to  the  best  interests  of  the  country.  It  was  liable  to  great 
abuses  ;  it  became  the  agent  of  political  power,  and  in  the 
end  it  even  attempted  to  master  the  government  itself.  Its 
friends  were  indignant  at  its  fall,  but  that  indignation  gave  way 
to  calm  reflection,  and,  after  a  ruinous  experiment  to  establish 
a  similar  one  under  a  State  charter,  they  have  become  per 
suaded  that  the  people  can  prosper  in  the  absence  of  a  United 
States  Bank. 

When  the  charter  of  this  bank  expired,  our  government  was 
compelled  to  rely  upon  the  State  banks  as  places  of  deposit  of 
the  public  funds.  This  was  a  necessity  rather  than  a  choice. 
The  consequences  were  bad  for  government  and  fatal  to  some 
of  the  banks.  It  could  not  well  be  otherwise,  in  the  nature  of 
things.  New  transactions,  risks,  and  temptations  were  multi 
plied  beyond  the  wants  of  the  communities  in  which  the  banks 
were  located,  and  losses  followed.  The  experiment  furnished 
another  striking  example,  tending  to  prove  that  the  government 
ought  not  to  rely  for  the  safety  of  its  funds  upon  banks. 

It  soon  became  a  leading  question  with  government,  what 
system  should  be  adopted  for  the  collection,  disbursement,  and 
safe  keeping  of  the  public  moneys. 

In  1840,  a  sub-treasury  was  established,  but  it  was  repealed 
by  the  whigs  in  1841. 

The  present  constitutional  treasury  was  established  in  1846, 
and  it  commenced  its  operations  in  January,  1847. 

It  takes  the  standard  of  all  the  banks,  and  receives  and  pays 
nothing  but  specie.*  It  is  made  strictly  the  agent  of  the  gov- 

*  "  If  Congress  were  to  pass  forty  statutes  on  the  subject,"  said 
Mr.  Webster,  in  1816,  "  they  could  not  make  the  law  more  imperative 
than  it  now  is,  that  nothing  should  be  received  in  payment  of  duties 
to  the  government  but  specie.  The  whole  strength  of  the  govern 
ment,  I  am  of  opinion,  should  be  put  forth  to  compel  the  payment  of 
the  duties  and  taxes  to  the  government  in  the  legal  currency  of  the 
country." 


180  THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  TREASURY. 

ernment  for  the  people.  It  loans  no  money,  incurs  no  risks, 
Its  business  is  simply  to  receive,  to  keep  safely,  and  to  pay  out 
according  to  the  requisitions  of  law. 

The  effects  of  the  constitutional  treasury  upon  the  banks 
have  proved  in  the  highest  degree  beneficial.  Its  reserve  of 
specie  is  a  check  upon  their  discounts.  It  is  not  counted  as  a 
part  of  their  means,  and  therefore  cannot  make  a  part  of  their 
loans.  (See  Appendix  G  G.  and  H  H.) 

A  community  is  not  made  richer  by  having  unlimited  ac 
cess  to  money  under  the  conditions  of  discount.  Far  from 
it.  It  is  made  poorer.  The  spirit  of  industry  which  seeks  the 
use  of  money  is  generally  a  safe  one.  But  the  motive  which 
offers  money  to  industry  is  generally  a  selfish  or  a  speculative 
one.  Money  being  the  ultimate  object  of  trade,  as  controlling 
all  classes  of  property,  each  person  aims  at  increasing  his  share, 
without  sufficiently  thinking  that  the  success  of  the  few  is  at 
the  expense  of  the  many. 


FREE  TRADE.   TARIFF  OF  1846.  181 


FREE  TRADE.    TARIFF  OF  1846. 


TRADE  is  the  exchange  of  commodity.  The  basis  of  trade 
is  industry.  Industry  produces,  and  it  is  the  function  of  trade 
to  exchange.*  How  far  trade  should  be  controlled  and  indus 
try  protected  by  law,  have  been  the  great  and  exciting  tariff 
questions  of  the  country. 

To  understand  this  subject,  we  reduce  it  to  its  elements.  To 
do  it  justice  would  require  a  treatise,  and  our  brief  allusion  to 
it  is,  for  the  purpose  of  asking  attention  to  the  results  of  the 
tariff  of  1846. 

As  all  nations  must  have  sources  of  revenue,  means  to  pay 
the  expenses  of  government,  it  becomes  an  important  question 
how  far  home  industry  may  be  protected  by  an  assessment  of 
duties  on  articles  of  foreign  production  or  manufacture,  which 
are  imported  to  displace  similar  articles  of  our  own  ? 

All  taxes  for  government  purposes  are  apt  to  be  regarded  as 
evils,  and  it  becomes  the  study  of  the  political  economist,  how 
these  supposed  evils  may  be  balanced  by  a  system  of  compen 
sation.  No  direct  taxes,  for  example,  are  assessed  upon  the 
people  by  the  general  government.  But  duties  are  imposed 
upon  foreign  articles  ;  merchants  pay  the  duties,  and  the  peo- 

*  "  Man,"  says  Archbishop  Whately,  "  might  be  defined  as  an 
animal  that  makes  exchanges ;  no  other,  even  of  those  animals  which 
make  the  nearest  approach  to  rationality,  having  to  all  appearance 
the  least  notion  of  bartering,  or  in  any  way  exchanging  one  thing  for 
another."  —  Political  Economy,  Lecture  I. 

16 


182  FREE  TRADE.   TARIFF  OF  1846. 

pie  pay  the  merchants.  After  all,  the  tax  is  upon  the  people, 
but  so  indirectly,  that  they  hardly  perceive  it  in  their  ordinary 
purchases  at  the  shops. 

It  may  be  remarked  that  the  operative  is  chiefly  confined  in 
his  purchases  to  home  products,  —  his  means  not  being  suffi 
cient  to  indulge  in  foreign  luxuries,  or  the  more  costly  fabrics.* 
By  this  exemption  of  necessity,  he  gains  a  partial  protection  on 
his  labor,  and  the  tax  falls  more  upon  his  employer,  or  upon  those 
whose  means  do  not  limit  them  to  articles  of  home  production. 

How  far  this  system  may  be  carried  with  undoubted  advan 
tage,  is  a  question  in  the  process  of  solution.  Various  experi 
ments  in  this  country,  however,  show  conclusively,  in  our 
humble  opinion,  that  it  is  a  system  of  taxation  that  should  be 
confined  to  the  mere  wants  of  government.  To  this  extent, 
even,  it  is  an  evil.  Perhaps  this  form  of  taxation  is  as  little 
obnoxious  to  objection  as  any  other,  but  its  inequality  is  ob 
vious,  while  its  ultimate  results  are  doubtful.  Besides,  it  must 
be  considered  that  this  inequality  is  not  confined  to  classes  of 
citizens.  It  is  to  be  found  in  the  local  or  sectional  interests 
of  the  country.  The  South  may  be  called  upon  to  pay 
the  taxes  of  the  North,  and  vice  versa.  Whoever  prefers 
foreign  products  to  his  own,  is  called  upon  to  pay  for  his 
preference. 

If  we  consider  the  subject  of  trade,  we  are  led  to  inquire 
into  the  conditions  of  industry.  Whatever  favors  the  latter 
cannot  injure  the  former,  but  tends  to  promote  it. 

Industry  is  the  employment  of  the  human  faculties  in  the 
great  objects  of  life.  It  is  moral,  or  physical  :  the  moral,  em 
bracing  whatever  relates  to  man  as  a  being  of  accountabil 
ity  and  improvement ;  and  the  physical,  embracing  whatever 
relates  to  man  as  a  being  of  labor  or  skill  for  the  means  of 
subsistence. 

The  great  problem  for  solution,  is,  how  man  as  a  being  of 

*  It  should  be  stated,  however,  that  the  operatives  purchase  many 
foreign  imports,  which,  are  the  necessaries  of  life,  such  as  sugar,  dif 
ferent  kinds  of  iron,  &c.  &c. 


FREE    TRADE.        TARIFF    OF    1846.  183 

labor  and  skill  may  best  succeed.  As  the  objects  of  industry 
are  essentially  controlled  by  nations,  this  becomes  a  national 
question,  to  be  decided  by  each  nation  for  itself. 

Man  is  both  the  being  of  production  and  consumption,  the 
subject  of  want  and  the  agent  of  supply.  This  mutual  ar 
rangement  of  dependence  is  in  harmony  with  the  great  laws 
of  progress,  and  leads  to  those  changing  modes  of  activity 
which  develop  man  and  nature. 

With  a  proper  idea  of  the  great  ends  of  industry,  we 
may  better  understand  the  conditions  most  conducive  to  suc 
cess. 

It  is  the  business  of  one  man  to  sow  and  harvest  the  wheat ; 
of  another  to  bolt  it ;  of  another  to  find  a  market  for  the  flour. 
This  division  of  labor  is  applied  to  every  thing,  and  leads  to 
trade,  commerce,  and  navigation.  Man  becomes  the  competi 
tor  of  man  throughout  the  world.  All  the  products  of  the 
earth  are  placed  within  the  reach  of  every  people,  and  the 
industry  of  one  nation  is  made  to  stimulate  and  to  promote  the 
industry  of  all  nations. 

Inventive  genius  is  in  requisition  to  reach  new  objects,  to 
increase  power,  and  to  lessen  labor.  Skill  is  demanded  to 
compete  with  skill,  and  men  are  transferred  by  interest  from 
country  to  country,  to  extend  their  knowledge,  and  to  exert 
their  peculiar  powers.  Railroads  have  made  the  citizens  of  a 
country  neighbors  at  home,  and  steamships  have  made  them 
neighbors  abroad.  Diversity  of  character  leads  to  diversity 
of  wants,  and  wants  lead  to  interests.  New  products  are  dis 
covered,  new  combinations  and  applications  are  developed, 
new  wants  are  created,  and  new  sources  of  comforts  realized. 
Without  these  new  resources,  constantly  springing  up  on  the 
great  highway  of  time,  industry  would  be  checked  by  the 
increase  of  population,  or  by  the  increased  power  of  produc 
tion,  and  man  would  become  indolent  and  corrupt,  and  nations 
would  suffer  and  decay.  But  with  these  resources,  what  but 
freedom  of  thought,  of  action,  of  labor,  of  trade,  of  enter 
prise,  will  subserve  the  great  interests  of  man  ?  How  else  can 


184  FREE  TRADE.   TARIFF  OF  1846. 

ive  be  true  to  the  laws  which  are  written  by  the  hand  of  Provi 
dence  upon  the  broad  face  of  nature  1  * 

There  is  no  condition  exempt  from  labor,  it  is  the  common 
lot  of  humanity.  The  idle  suffer,  and  their  suffering  is  more 
than  labor.  The  life  of  an  idle  man  is  short.  The  same  is 
true  of  nations.  Labor  is  the  condition  of  success,  industry 
of  comfort,  integrity  of  happiness.  Whatever  promotes  these 
promotes  the  good  of  a  country.  Whatever  competition  is  to 
the  individual,  industry  is  to  the  nation. 

It  is  a  wise  law  of  Providence,  that  the  business  of  man 
shall  subserve  his  moral  being,  and  that  his  business  success  is 
made  to  depend,  in  a  great  measure,  on  his  moral  integrity. 
Men  and  nations  are  brought  together  by  their  wants  and  inter 
ests.  Examples  of  failure  serve  to  illustrate  causes  of  success. 
Competition  invites  to  improvement  and  progress.  Men  learn 
the  conditions  of  prosperity,  and  the  penalties  of  error  and  sin. 

*  "The  introduction  of  the  principles  of  free  trade  removes  many 
of  the  causes  of  sectional  jealousies,  and  diminishes  the  subjects  of 
necessary  legislation.  If  the  extension  of  our  people  increases  the 
difficulties  of  free  government,  the  march  of  mind  develops  new 
resources  for  overcoming  them.  That  there  are  limits  to  this  capa 
city  is  not  to  be  denied  ;  but  it  is  equal,  I  believe,  to  the  accomplish 
ment  of  the  mission  upon  which  we  were  sent.  Can  a  more  magnifi 
cent  destiny  be  conceived  than  the  realization  of  such  hopes  ?  —  to 
fill  a  continent  of  space  with  all  the  elements  of  light,  life,  and 
civilization,  in  their  purest  forms  and  highest  combination  ;  to  wring 
from  the  reluctant  grasp  of  earth  the  fruits  which  she  yields  only  to 
human  skill  and  industry,  and  to  discover  resources  in.  the  boundless 
stores  of  nature  for  every  new  or  increasing  want  which  a  progressive 
civilization  may  develop ;  to  acquire  a  moral  influence  more  extensive 
and  enduring  than  any  power  of  the  sword,  and  which  enforces 
homage,  not  from  the  lips,  but  the  heart  of  every  human  being  who 
can  feel  the  force  of  beneficent  example.  Happy  ourselves,  and  the 
cause  of  happiness  in  others,  what  higher  tribute  could  we  offer  to 
Him  who  has  endowed  us  with  unparalleled  advantages,  than  the 
spectacle  of  such  a  power  guided  by  the  spirit  of  justice  and  modera 
tion,  and  directed  to  virtuous  ends  ?" —  Speech  of  the  Hon.  Mr.  Hunter, 
U.  S.  Senate,  Feb.  1848. 


FREE  TRADE.    TARIFF  OF  1846.  185 

They  are  self-moved  to  avoid  the  one  and  to  observe  the 
other. 

With  a  knowledge  of  these  Jaws,  it  is  easy  to  see  that 
the  greater  the  freedom  given  to  the  industry  and  trade  of  a 
nation,  the  greater  are  the  inducements  to  activity.*  If  its 
people  are  ambitious  to  excel,  they  have  before  them  the  en 
couragements  of  a  world. 

If  nations  would  prosper  and  live,  their  only  hope  is  to  be 
found  in  their  intelligence,  industry,  and  faithfulness.  The 
subject  of  free  trade  is  not  one  merely  of  pecuniary  relations, 
—  these  afford  only  the  means  of  advance.  It  is  a  subject  of 
moral  interest,  and  one  of  deep  concern  to  posterity. 

If  the  prohibitory  system  were  right  for  one  nation,  it  would 
be  right  for  all  nations, — and  commerce  would  cease.  This 
course  is  not  adopted  because  it  is  opposed  to  the  interests  and 
experience  of  all  —  as  already  ascertained. 

The  protective  policy,  as  such,  has  its  domestic  evils.  Its 
encouragements  lead  to  excesses,  and  to  instability.!  Its  in 
ducements  to  enterprise  fluctuate  and  become  neutralized  by 
home  competition.  It  diverts  labor  from  its  accustomed  chan 
nels  to  temporary  objects,  at  a  loss  to  the  poor.  It  gives  rise 
to  corporations  with  power  of  capital  detached  from  the  con 
ditions  of  industry,  which  tend  to  prostrate  individual  enter 
prise.  It  builds  up  factories  and  takes  the  young  from  their 

*  See  Appendix  1 1. 

t  "  In  1828,  the  manufacturers,  as  a  body,  failed.  It  was  much 
easier  to  tell  who  had  survived  the  shock  than  to  enumerate  all  that 
had  fallen.  A  tariff  was  passed  to  save  them,  and  they  failed  the 
faster  after  it  was  passed,  besides  the  commercial  failures  which  fol 
lowed,  not  of  people  who  had  been  insolvent  for  years,  but  of  those 
who  a  year  before  were  worth  their  tens  of  thousands,  not  to  say 
their  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars,  and  who  had  managed  their 
business  with  ability  and  prudence.  During  most  of  the  year  1829, 
the  pressure  continued  till  factory  stock  could  hardly  be  given  away, 
and  shares  which  cost  a  thousand  dollars,  in  some  cases  were  sold  for 
a  five  dollar  bill,  and  in  others  would  not  bring  that  price." —  From 
a  Speech  delivered  in  Salem,  March,  1834,  by  Hon.  Robert  Rantoul,  Jr. 

16* 


186  FREE  TRADE.    TARIFF  OF  1846. 

schools,  and  from  the  moral  atmosphere  of  their  homes.*  It 
gives  birth  to  cities,  made  up  of  people  linked  with  mere 
machinery,  without  adequate  means  of  moral  and  intellectual 
culture.  We  do  not  speak  of  examples,  but  of  tendency. 
This  country  has  not  age  enough  to  see  the  results  of  such  a 
policy,  and  we  are  rejoiced  to  know  that  we  have  men  of  suffi 
cient  wisdom  to  establish  a  system  that  promises  permanency 
and  prosperity. 

*  It  is  scarcely  possible  to  speak  of  the  vast  accumulation  of 
masses  of  human,  beings  in  the  manufacturing  districts  —  "  the  croicded 
hives,"  as  they  have  been  called,  —  without  something  like  anxiety 
and  apprehension." 

"  The  employment  of  infant  labor  is  very  generally  urged  as  the 
worst  feature  in  the  factory  system,  but  it  is  generally  recognized 
that  this  is  a  result  of  a  greater  evil,  and  in  many  cases  an  allevia 
tion  of  it,  arising  from  the  disturbance  of  the  parental  and  filial 
relations  in  manufacturing  districts.  The  operatives  are  absent  from 
home  all  day,  and  in  many  cases,  from  the  crowded  state  of  the 
lodging-houses,  have  no  opportunity  for  conversation  or  social  union 
with  their  families  at  night.  Hence  there  is  a  want  of  those  domes 
tic  feelings,  reciprocally  fostered  by  domestic  intercourse  —  a  want 
which,  to  the  operatives  themselves,  is  '  a  craving  void,'  scarcely 
suspected  by  those  who  are  not  intimate  with  their  condition. 
Mothers  remain  at  the  mill  during  the  period  of  their  pregnancy  to 
the  very  last  hour  of  physical  endurance,  and  they  return  to  work 
at  the  earliest  possible  moment  after  their  recovery.  Hence  there  is 
a  sad  waste  of  infant  life  during  the  periods  of  lactation  and  teething, 
and  when  this  critical  time  is  past,  there  is  an  absence  of  parental  care 
and  superintendence,  which  exposes  children  to  forming  habits  of 
vagrancy  and  idleness." 

"  To  destroy  the  factory  system  is  not  practicable  if  it  were  desir 
able,  nor  quite  desirable  if  practicable.  But  though  we  cannot  des 
troy,  we  may  use  and  regulate  ;  we  may  so  mould  the  course  of  its 
development  as  to  render  it  the  source  of  increased  morality,  in 
creased  prosperity,  and  increased  social  happiness  to  the  British 
empire,  and  to  every  individual  that  empire  contains."  —  Taylor's 
Natural  History  of  Society. 

The  people  of  the  United  States  should  be  admonished  by  the 
experience  of  Great  Britain. 


FREE  TRADE.  •   TARIFF  OF  1846.  187 

We  should  regret  to  have  our  views  construed  as  hostile  to 
the  manufacturing  interests  of  this  country.  Far  from  it.  We 
would  favor  them,  foster  them,  encourage  them.  Not  by  false 
hopes,  or  deceptive  measures  of  protection,  but  by  extending 
their  markets  and  improving  their  fabrics.  We  would  com 
mend  to  them  a  business  of  prudence,  in  preference  to  one  of 
risk  ;  a  permanent  business,  instead  of  a  fluctuating  one  ;  an 
individual  interest  in  preference  to  a  company  interest ;  and 
moderate  dividends,  that  shall  be  uniform,  in  preference  to 
large  dividends,  which  are  occasional. 

To  no  citizen  is  our  country  more  indebted  for  enlightened 
and  practical  views  upon  the  tariff  question  than  to  the  present 
able  secretary  of  the  treasury,  the  Hon.  Robert  J.  Walker. 
His  thoughts  have  become  acts,  and  his  experiments  have 
become  the  policy  of  the  nation.  When  we  consider  with 
what  ability  his  opponents  were  arrayed  against  him,  with 
what  influences  of  rank  and  wealth  they  sought  to  establish  an 
opposite  system,  we  cannot  but  regard  his  victory  as  one  of  the 
greatest  moral  triumphs  of  the  age.  What  Cobden  has  done 
for  England,  he  has  done  for  America.  (See  Appendix 

j  j.) 


APPENDIX. 


A. 

DECLARATION   OF  RIGHTS 
OF    THE    CONTINENTAL    CONGRESS,    OCTOBER    14,    1774* 

"  WHEREAS,  since  the  close  of  the  last  war,  the  British  Parliament, 
claiming  a  power  of  right  to  bind  the  people  of  America  by  stat 
utes  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  hath  in  some  acts  expressly  imposed 
taxes  on  them,  and  in  others,  under  various  pretences,  but  in  fact 
for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue,  hath  imposed  rates  and  duties 
payable  in  these  colonies,  established  a  board  of  commissioners, 
with  unconstitutional  powers,  and  extended  the  jurisdiction  of  Courts 
of  Admiralty,  not  only  for  collecting  the  said  duties,  but  for  the  trial 
of  causes  merely  arising  within  the  body  of  a  county : 

"  And  whereas,  in  consequence  of  other  statutes,  judges,  who 
before  held  only  estates  at  will  in  their  offices,  have  been  made 
dependent  on  the  crown  alone  for  their  salaries,  and  standing 
armies  kept  in  times  of  peace ;  and  whereas  it  has  lately  been 
resolved  in  Parliament,  that  by  force  of  a  statute,  made  in  the 
thirty-fifth  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Henry  the  Eighth,  colonists 
may  be  transported  to  England,  and  tried  there,  upon  accusations 
for  treasons  and  misprisions,  or  concealments,  of  treasons  committed 
in  the  colonies,  and  by  a  late  statute,  such  trials  have  been  directed 
in  cases  therein  mentioned  : 

"  And  whereas,  in  the  last  session  of  Parliament,  three  statutes 
were  made  ;  one  entitled  *  An  Act  to  discontinue,  in  such  manner, 
and  for  such  time,  as  are  therein  mentioned,  the  landing  and  dis 
charging,  lading,  or  shipping  of  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise,  at 
the  town  and  within  the  harbor  of  Boston,  in  the  Province  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  North  America  ; '  another  entitled  '  An  Act 
for  the  better  regulating  the  government  of  the  Province  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay,  in  New  England ; '  and  another  entitled  '  An  Act  for 


190 


APPENDIX. 


the  impartial  administration  of  justice,  in  the  cases  of  persons 
questioned  for  any  act  done  by  them  in  the  execution  of  the  law, 
or  for  the  suppression  of  riots  and  tumults,  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New  England : '  And  another  statute  was 
then  made,  '  for  making  more  effectual  provision  for  the  government 
of  the  Province  of  Quebec,'  &c.  All  which  statutes  are  impolitic, 
unjust,  and  cruel,  as  well  as  unconstitutional,  and  most  dangerous 
and  destructive  of  American  rights  : 

"  And  whereas,  assemblies  have  been  frequently  dissolved,  con 
trary  to  the  rights  of  the  people,  when  they  attempted  to  deliberate 
on  grievances ;  and  their  dutiful,  humble,  loyal,  and  reasonable, 
petitions  to  the  crown  for  redress  have  been  repeatedly  treated 
with  contempt,  by  his  majesty's  ministers  of  state  : 

"  The  good  people  of  the  several  colonies  of  New  Hampshire, 
Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations,  Con 
necticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Newcastle,  Kent, 
and  Sussex,  on  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  and 
South  Carolina,  justly  alarmed  at  these  arbitrary  proceedings  of 
Parliament  and  administration,  have  severally  elected,  constituted, 
and  appointed  Deputies  to  meet  and  sit  in  General  Congress,  in  the 
city  of  Philadelphia,  in  order  to  obtain  such  establishment,  as  that 
their  religion,  laws,  and  liberties  may  not  be  subverted ;  Avhereupon 
the  deputies  so  appointed  being  now  assembled,  in  a  full  and  free 
representation  of  these  colonies,  taking  into  their  most  serious  con 
sideration  the  best  means  of  attaining  the  ends  aforesaid,  do,  in  the 
first  place,  as  Englishmen  their  ancestors  in  like  cases  have  usually 
done,  for  asserting  and  vindicating  their  rights  and  liberties, 
DECLARE, 

"  That  the  inhabitants  of  the  English  colonies  in  North  America, 
by  the  immutable  laws  of  nature,  the  principles  of  the  English 
Constitution,  and  the  several  charters  or  compacts,  have  the  fol 
lowing  RIGHTS  :- 

"  Resolved,  N.  C.  D.*  1.  That  they  are  entitled  to  life,  liberty, 
and  property  ;  and  they  have  never  ceded  to  any  sovereign  power 
whatever  a  right  to  dispose  of  either,  without  their  consent. 

"  Resolved,  N.  C.  D.  2.  That  our  ancestors,  who  first  settled 
these  colonies,  were,  at  the  time  of  their  emigration  from  the 
mother  country,  entitled  to  all  the  rights,  liberties,  and  immunities, 
of  free  and  natural-born  subjects,  within  the  realm  of  England. 

*  Nemine  contradicente,  no  person  opposing,  or  disagreeing. 


APPENDIX.  191 

"  Resolved,  N.  C.  D.  3.  That  by  such  emigration,  they  by  no 
means  forfeited,  surrendered,  or  lost,  any  of  those  rights,  but  that 
they  were,  and  their  descendants  now  are,  entitled  to  the  exercise 
and  enjoyment  of  all  such  of  them  as  their  local  and  other  circum 
stances  enable  them  to  exercise  and  enjoy. 

"Resolved,  4.  That  the  foundation  of  English  liberty,  and  of  all 
free  government,  is,  a  right  in  the  people  to  participate  in  their 
legislative  council ;  and  as  the  English  colonists  are  not  repre 
sented,  and,  from  their  local  and  other  circumstances,  cannot 
properly  be  represented,  in  the  British  Parliament,  they  are  entitled 
to  a  free  and  exclusive  power  of  legislation  in  their  several  pro 
vincial  legislatures,  where  their  right  of  representation  can  alone 
be  preserved,  in  all  cases  of  taxation  and  internal  polity,  subject 
only  to  the  negative  of  their  sovereign,  in  such  manner  as  has  been 
heretofore  used  and  accustomed:  but,  from  the  necessity  of  the  case 
and  a  regard  to  the  mutual  interests  of  both  countries,  we  cheer 
fully  consent  to  the  operation  of  such  acts  of  the  British  Parliament, 
as  are,  bonajide,  restrained  to  the  regulation  of  our  external  com 
merce,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  commercial  advantages  of 
the  whole  empire  to  the  mother  country,  and  the  commercial  bene 
fits  of  its  respective  members  ;  excluding  every  idea  of  taxation, 
internal  or  external,  for  raising  a  revenue  on  the  subjects  in  Amer 
ica,  without  their  consent. 

"  Resolved,  N.  C.  D.  5.  That  the  respective  colonies  are  entitled 
to  the  common  law  of  England,  and  more  especially  to  the  great 
and  inestimable  privilege  of  being  tried  by  their  peers  of  the 
vicinage,  according  to  the  course  of  that  law. 

"  Resolved,  6.  That  they  are  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  such  of 
the  English  statutes  as  existed  at  the  time  of  their  colonization ; 
and  which  they  have,  by  experience,  respectively  found  to  be  appli 
cable  to  their  several  local  and  other  circumstances. 

"  Resolved,  N.  C.  D.  7.  That  these,  his  majesty's  colonies,  are 
likewise  entitled  to  all  the  immunities  and  privileges  granted  and 
confirmed  to  them  by  royal  charters,  or  secured  by  their  several 
codes  of  provincial  laws. 

"  Resolved,  N.  C.  D.  8.  That  they  have  a  right  peaceably  to 
assemble.^  consider  of  their  grievances,  and  petition  the  king ;  and 
that  all  prosecutions,  prohibitory  proclamations,  and  commitments 
for  the  same,  are  illegal. 

"  Resolved,  N.  C.  D.  9.  That  the  keeping  a  standing  army  in 


192  APPENDIX. 

these  colonies,  in  times  of  peace,  without  the  consent  of  the  legis 
lature  of  that  colony  in  which  such  army  is  kept,  is  a  gainst  law. 

"Resolved,  N.  C.  D.  10.  It  is  indispensably  necessary  to  good 
government,  and  rendered  essential  by  the  English  Constitution, 
that  the  constituent  branches  of  the  legislature  be  independent  of 
each  other ;  that,  therefore,  the  exercise  of  legislative  power,  in 
several  colonies,  by  a  council  appointed,  during  pleasure,  by  the 
crown,  is  unconstitutional,  dangerous,  and  destructive  to  the  free 
dom  of  American  legislation. 

"  All  and  each  of  which,  the  aforesaid  deputies,  in  behalf  of  them 
selves  and  their  constituents,  do  claim,  demand,  and  insist  on,  as 
their  indubitable  rights  and  liberties  ;  which  cannot  be  legally  taken 
from,  them,  altered,  or  abridged,  by  any  power  whatever,  without 
their  own  consent,  by  their  representatives,  in  their  several  provin 
cial  legislatures." 


B. 

The  Press,  Railroads,  and  the  Magnetic  Telegraph. 

"  Intelligence  is  diffused  with  unparalleled  universality ;  a  free 
press  teems  with  the  choicest  productions  of  all  nations  and  ages. 
There  are  more  daily  journals  in  the  United  States  than  in  the 
world  beside.  A  public  document  of  general  interest  is,  within  a 
month,  reproduced  in  at  least  a  million  of  copies,  and  is  brought 
within  the  reach  of  every  freeman  in  the  country."  —  Bancroft's 
Hist.  U.  S. 

This  was  true  in  1834 ;  and  since  that  time  improvements  of  every 
kind  have  been  multiplied  to  a  degree  truly  astonishing.  Steam 
ships  arrive  from  Great  Britain,  either  at  Boston  or  New  York,  every 
week ;  and  we  have  an  extent  of  railroads  in  the  United  States  of 
more  than  6000  miles  ;  an  extent  of  the  magnetic  telegraph  conductor, 
completed  at  the  present  time  of  more  than  5000  miles,  and  project 
ed,  and  advancing  rapidly  towards  completion,  about  11,000  miles. 
Some  of  the  companies  are  extending  a  second  line  between  the  prin 
cipal  cities.  These  are  embraced  in  the  above  estimate. 

The  following  beautiful  passage  occurs  in  the  speech  of  Governor 
Cass,  delivered  in  the  U.  S.  Senate,  February  1 0, 1847,  on  the  Three 
Million  Bill :  — 

"The  senator  from  South  Carolina  has  presented  some  views  of 


APPENDIX.  193 

our  augmenting  population  as  true  as  they  are  striking.  At  the 
commencement  of  his  life  and  of  mine,  this  country  contained  three 
millions  of  inhabitants,  giving  a  rate  of  increase  which  doubles 
our  numbers  every  twenty-two  years.  There  are  those  yet  living 
who  will  live  to  see  our  confederacy  numbering  a  population  equal 
to  the  Chinese  empire.  This  stupendous  progress  outstrips  the 
imagination.  The  mind  cannot  keep  up  with  the  fact.  It  toils  after 
it  in  vain ;  and  as  we  increase  in  numbers  and  extend  in  space,  our 
power  of  communication  is  still  more  augmented.  The  telegraph 
has  come  with  its  wonderful  process  to  bind  still  closer  the  portions 
of  this  empire,  as  these  recede  from"  its  capital.  It  is  the  most 
admirable  invention  of  modern  days.  We  can  now  answer  the 
sublime  interrogatory  put  to  Job:  'Canst  thou  send  lightnings,  that 
they  may  go,  and  say  unto  thee,  Here  AVC  are ! '  Yes,  the  corus 
cations  of  heaven  man  has  reduced  to  obedience,  and  they  say  unto 
him,  Here  we  are.  It  is  yet  in  its  infancy  —  an  experiment,  rather 
than  an  arrangement.  Who  can  tell  where  future  improvements 
may  conduct  it,  or  what  sway  it  may  hereafter  exercise  over  the 
social  and  political  condition  of  the  world  ?  what  people  it  may 
bring  together  and  keep  together  by  the  power  of  instantaneous 
communication  ?  or  how  the  events  of  distant  nations,  told  almost 
to  the  other  side  of  the  globe,  the  very  moment  of  their  occurrence, 
may  affect  the  future  destiny  of  mankind  ?  " 


c. 

From  the   Speech  of  Hon.   H.   V.  Johnson,    U.  S.  Senate,  delivered 
February,  1848. 

"  In  the  progress  of  the  discussions  on  the  topics  connected  with 
the  war,  a  good  deal  has  been  said  in  ridicule  of  what  is  called 
'  manifest  destiny.'  Now,  sir,  I  am  a  believer  in  this  doctrine  ;  but 
I  would  not  employ  precisely  these  words  to  express  my  opinion. 
I  would  say,  that  I  believe  it  to  be  the  manifest  design  of  Provi 
dence,  either  that  the  whole  of  North  America  should  be  embraced 
within  our  Republic,  or  that,  through  the  influence  of  our  institu 
tions,  it  is  to  become  the  theatre  of  the  highest  civilization  and 
freedom.  Yet,  sir,  I  am  no  propagandist.  I  would  not  force  the 
adoption  of  our  form  of  government  upon  any  people  by  the  sword. 
But  if  war  is  forced  upon  us,  as  this  has  been,  and  the  increase  of 
17 


194  APPENDIX. 

our  territory,  and  consequently  the  extension  of  the  area  of  human 
liberty  and  happiness,  shall  be  one  of  the  incidents  of  such  a  con 
test,  I  believe  we  should  be  recreant  to  our  noble  mission,  if  we  • 
refused  acquiescence  in  the  high  purposes  of  a  wise  Providence. 
War  has  its  evils.     In  all  ages  it  has  been  the  minister  of  wholesale 
death  and  appalling  desolation ;  but,  however  inscrutable  to  us,  it 
has  also  been  made,  by  the  all-wise  Dispenser  of  events,  the  instru 
mentality  of  accomplishing  the  great  end  of  human  elevation  and 
human  happiness.    Civilization,  like  her  heaven-born  pioneer  mother, 
Christianity,  has  been  compelled  to  force  on  her  steady  march,  for 
more  than  eighteen  hundred  years,  amidst  the  revolutions  of  em 
pires,  which  have  stained  with  blood  her  robe  of  whiteness.     But, 
converting  every  obstacle  to  her  progress  into  a  weapon  of  victory, 
she  shall  encincture  the  globe  with  her  girdle  of  light.     It  is  in 
this  view  that  I  subscribe  to  the  doctrine  of  '  manifest  destiny.'     It 
is  in  this  view  that  I  believe  the  whole  of  North  America  is  conse 
crated  to  freedom.     Neither  legislation  nor  treaties  can  set  bounds 
to  the  triumphant  spirit  of  the  age,  which  threatens  thrones  and 
dynasties,  and  augurs  an  entire  remodelling  and  renovation  of  the 
social  and  political  condition  of  the  world.     The  results  of  war 
and  the  developments  of  science  are  but  the  echoes  of  the  voice 
of  Prophecy.     The  one  opens  the  door  for  civilization,  and  the  other 
sends  its  ministers  by  the  power  of  steam,  and  speeds  them  upon 
the  wing  of  the  'seraphic  lightning.'" 

From  the  Speech  of  Hon.  Mr.  Hunter,  U.  S.  Senate,  1848. 

"  If  my  imagination  were  tasked  to  select  the  highest  blessing 
for  my  countrymen,  I  should  say,  May  they  be  true  to  themselves 
and  faithful  to  their  mission.  I  can  conceive  of  nothing  which  it  is 
possible  for  human  effort  to  attain,  greater  than  the  destiny  which 
we  may  reasonably  hope  to  fulfil.  If  war  has  its  dreams,  dazzling 
in  splendid  pageantry,  peace  also  has  its  visions  of  a  more  enduring 
form,  of  a  higher  and  purer  beauty.  To  solve  by  practical  demon 
stration  the  grand  problem  of  increasing  social  power  consistently 
with  personal  freedom  —  to  increase  the  efficiency  of  the  human 
agent  by  enlarging  individual  liberty  —  to  triumph  over,  not  only 
the  physical,  but,  more  difficult  still,  the  moral  difficulties  which  lie 
in  the  path  of  man's  progress,  and  to  adorn  that  path  with  all  that 
is  rare  and  useful  in  art,  and  whatever  is  highest  in  civilization,  are, 
in  my  opinion,  the  noblest  achievements  of  which  a  nation  is  capa 
ble.  These  are  the  ends  to  which  onr  ambition  should  be  directed." 


APPENDIX.  195 

D- 

From  the  Speech  of  the  Hon.  R.  Johnson,  U.  S.  Senate,  Jan.  10, 11, 1848. 

"  Sir,  I  am  not  to  be  driven  into  a  different  course  by  being  told 
that  it  would  leave  us  a  pecuniary  loss.  With  me,  Mr.  President, 
loss  of  money  is  nothing  to  loss  of  character.  With  me  the  bound 
less  wealth  of  the  world  would  be  as  nothing,  compared  with  what 
I  should  esteem  the  incalculable  loss  attending  the  destruction  of 
our  national  character.  But,  sir,  it  is  not  true  that  a  peace  accom 
plished  on  the  terms  to  which  I  have  referred  would  leave  us  with 
out  indemnity.  Sir,  we  have  indemnity  in  the  history  of  this  war. 
It  is  to  be  found  in  the  many  glorious  battle-fields  which  it  has  pre 
sented  to  an  astonished  world.  It  is  to  be  found  in  the  delight 
which  electrified  every  American  heart  at  the  result  of  every  con 
flict.  It  is  to  be  found  in  the  security  which  it  furnishes  against 
the  disturbers  of  our  peace  hereafter.  A  few  hundreds  of  millions, 
(even  if  it  should  go  to  hundreds,)  that  may  be  expended,  will  be 
forgotten  even  while  spoken  of,  while  the  glory  and  renown  which 
it  has  heaped  upon  the  American  character  will  be  remembered  as 
lon-g  as  time  itself  shall  endure.  I  am  not,  therefore,  to  be  told 
that  peace  on  such  terms  would  leave  us  losers,  in  the  true,  high, 
and  moral  sense  of  the  term." 


E. 

PLAN   OF  IGUALA. 

"  ART.  1.  The  Mexican  nation  is  independent  of  the  Spanish 
nation,  and  of  every  other,  even  on  its  own  continent. 

"  ART.  2.  Its  religion  shall  be  the  Catholic,  which  all  its  inhab 
itants  profess. 

"  ART.  3.  They  shall  be  united,  without  any  distinction  between 
Americans  and  Europeans. 

"  ART.  4.  The  government  shall  be  a  constitutional  monarchy. 

"  ART.  5.  A  junta  shall  be  named,  consisting  of  individuals  who 
enjoy  the  highest  reputation  in  the  different  parties  which  have 
shown  themselves. 

"ART.  6.  This  junta  shall  be  under  the  presidency  of  his  excellen 
cy  the  Count  del  Venadito,  the  present  viceroy  of  Mexico. 


196  APPENDIX. 

"  ART.  7.  It  shall  govern  in  the  name  of  the  nation,  according  to 
the  laws  now  in  force,  and  its  principal  business  shall  be  to  convoke, 
according  to  such  rules  as  it  shall  deem  expedient,  a  Congress  for 
the  formation  of  a  constitution  more  suitable  to  the  country. 

"ART.  8.  His  majesty  Ferdinand  VII.  shall  be  invited  to  the  throne 
of  the  empire,  and  in  case  of  his  refusal,  the  Infantes  Don  Carlos 
and  Don  Francisco  de  Paula. 

"  ART.  9.  Should  his  majesty  Ferdinand  VII.  and  his  august  broth 
ers  decline  the  invitation,  the  nation  is  at  liberty  to  invite  to  the  im 
perial  throne  any  member  of  reigning  families  whom  it  may  select. 

"ART.  10.  The  formation  of  the  constitution  by  the  Congress,  and 
the  oath  of  the  emperor  to  observe  it,  must  precede  his  entry  into 
the  country. 

"ART.  11.  The  distinction  of  castes  is  abolished,  which  was  made 
by  the  Spanish  law,  excluding  them  from  the  rights  of  citizenship. 
All  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  are  citizens  and  equal,  and  the 
door  of  advancement  is  open  to  virtue  and  merit. 

"  ART.  12.  An  army  shall  be  formed  for  the  support  of  religion, 
independence,  and  union,  guarantying  these  three  principles,  and 
therefore  shall  be  called  the  army  of  the  three  guaranties. 

"ART.  33.  It  shall  solemnly  swear  to  defend  the  fundamental 
bases  of  this  plan. 

"  ART.  14.  It  shall  strictly  observe  the  military  ordinances  now  in 
force. 

"  ART.  15.  There  shall  be  no  other  promotions  than  those  that  are 
due  to  seniority,  or  which  shall  be  necessary  to  the  good  of  the 
service. 

"  ART.  16.  This  army  shall  be  considered  as  of  the  line. 

"  ART.  17.  The  old  partisans  of  independence,  who  shall  immedi 
ately  adhere  to  this  plan,  shall  be  considered  as  individuals  of  this 
army. 

"  ART.  18.  The  patriots  and  peasants  who  shall  adhere  to  it  here 
after,  shall  be  considered  as  provincial  militia  men. 

"  ART.  19.  The  secular  and  regular  priests  shall  be  continued  in 
the  state  in  which  they  now  are. 

"  ART.  20.  All  the  public  functionaries,  —  civil,  ecclesiastical, 
political,  and  military,  —  who  adhere  to  the  cause  of  independence, 
shall  be  continued  in  their  offices,  without  any  distinction  between 
Americans  and  Europeans. 

"  ART.  21.  Those  functionaries,  of  whatever  degree  and  condition, 


APPENDIX.  197 

who  dissent  from  the  cause  of  independence,  shall  be  divested  of 
their  offices,  and  shall  quit  the  territory  of  the  empire,  taking  with 
them  their  families  and  their  effects. 

"  ART.  22.  The  military  commandants  shall  regulate  according  to 
the  general  instructions  in  conformity  with  this  Plan,  which  shall  bo 
transmitted  to  them. 

"  ART.  23.  No  accused  person  shall  be  condemned  capitally  by  the 
military  commandants.  Those  accused  of  treason  against  the  na 
tion,  which  is  the  next  greatest  crime  after  that  of  treason  to  the 
divine  Ruler,  shall  be  conveyed  to  the  fortress  of  Barrabas,  where 
they  shall  remain  until  the  Congress  shall  resolve  on  the  punish 
ment  which  ought  to  be  inflicted  on  them. 

"  ART.  24.  It  being  indispensable  to  the  country  that  this  Plan 
should  be  carried  into  effect,  inasmuch  as  the  welfare  of  that  country 
is  its  object,  every  individual  of  the  army  shall  maintain  it  to  the 
shedding,  if  it  be  necessary,  of  the  last  drop  of  his  blood. 

"  TOWN  OF  IGUALA,     ) 

2±th  February,  1821."    > 


F. 

MEXICAN    AGGRESSIONS. 

We  think  it  may  not  prove  uninteresting  to  the  reader  to  know 
the  nature  of  the  claims  of  our  citizens  upon  Mexico.  We  give  a 
list  of  a  portion  of  them,  compiled  by  the  Hon.  Edmund  Burke, 
in  1846,  remarking  merely,  by  way  of  introduction,  that  they  are 
all  taken  from  documents  now  on  file  in  the  department  of  state  in 
Washington.  Most  of  those  occurring  prior  to  Dec.  2,  1837,  will  be 
found  in  a  letter  of  the  Hon.  John  Forsyth,  secretary  of  state, 
to  the  president,  and  published  with  the  annual  message  of  that 
year,  in  House  Doc.  3,  2d  Sess.  25th  Congress. 

Abstract  of  a  Statement  marked  A,  accompanying  Mr.  Forsyttis  Report 
upon  Mexican  Relations,,  dated  Dec.  2,  1837,  and  addressed  to  the  Pres 
ident. 

"CLAIMS  ON  MEXICO. 

"No.  1.  Jl.  P.  Cheuteau  and  J.  DeMun.  —  These  persons,  who 
were  chiefs  of  a  hunting  expedition,  were,  with  their  companions, 

17* 


198 


APPENDIX. 


arrested  by  authorities  of  Mexico  in  1817,  carried  to  Sante  Fe, 
where  they  were  imprisoned  and  otherwise  maltreated.  The  value 
of  the  property  lost  by  them  was  represented  to  be  $30,380  74£. 

"  No.  2.  Brig  Cossack.  —  This  vessel  and  her  cargo  were  seized 
by  the  authorities  of  Mazatlan,  in  Mexico,  in  January,  1818,  and  con 
demned  by  a  decree  (of  what  authority  is  not  stated)  dated  21st 
July,  1819.  Upon  a  reconsideration  or  appeal  of  the  case,  it  was 
decreed,  on  the  27th  of  July,  1821,  that  the  master  and  crew  should 
be  liberated,  and  that  the  money  deposited  in  the  national  treasury  on 
account  of  her  sale  and  that  of  her  cargo,  should  be  paid  over  to  the 
master.  This  decree  was  never  executed. 

"  No.  3.  Cargo  of  the,  Ship  Louisa,  of  Providence.  —  The  cargo  of 
this  ship,  consisting  of  arms,  cordage,  and  flour,  with  other  provis 
ions,  was  seized  at  the  port  of  Acapulco,  in  1821,  by  orders  of  Don 
Augustin  de  Iturbide,  and  appropriated  to  the  use  of  the  Mexican 
government.  Feb.  1,  that  government  decreed  payment  of  damages 
to  the  owners,  in  the  sum  of  $48,363.  Only  $14,418  has  been  paid. 

"Nos.  4,  5,  6.  —  These  claims  are  for  the  unlawful  seizure  and 
detention  of  specie  belonging  to  American  citizens,  amounting  in 
all  to  over  $25,000.  It  was  taken  by  officers  of  the  Mexican  gov 
ernment,  under  orders  of  the  emperor  Iturbide,  while  on  its  way  to 
Vera  Cruz,  in  the  year  1822. 

"  No.  7.  John  K  West  and  others.  —  The  claim  in  this  case  is  for  a 
bill  of  exchange  drawn  by  Don  Jos.  M.  de  Herrera,  as  agent  of  the 
Mexican  government,  and  for  supplies  sent  by  his  direction. 

"  No.  8.  Brig  Liberty,  Myric,  Master.  —  This  vessel  was  seized  by 
the  Mexican  government  schooner  Iguala,  off  Alvarado,  on  the  4th 
of  May,  1824.  The  captain  and  crew  were  ill  treated,  and  sent  up  to 
town.  The  claim  in  the  case  is  for  vessel  and  freight ;  the  Atlantic 
Insurance  Company,  in  New  York,  having  insured  the  former  at 
$3500,  and  the  latter  at  $4000.  The  vessel  sailed  from  Havana 
in  March,  1824,  and  arrived  at  Pensacola  on  the  14th  of  April,  where 
she  paid  about  $12,000  duties  on  her  cargo.  She  sailed  thence 
with  a  regular  clearance  for  Alvarado.  After  her  seizure  there,  a 
judicial  tribunal  directed  the  brig  to  be  restored,  but  no  freight  was 


APPENDIX.  199 

paid.  .  The  vessel,  however,  had  been  so  long  detained,  and  so  badly 
taken  care  of,  that  but  sixty-four  dollars  were  realized  after  paying 
expenses  of  sale.  To  the  claim  preferred  by  Mr.  Poinsett  for  indem 
nification,  the  Mexican  secretary  of  state  replied,  that  officers  who 
make,  captures  are  liable  to  be  sued  in  Mexican  courts  of  justice,  in  case 
they  proceed  illegally. 

"  No.  9.  Brig  Goto.  —  This  vessel  was  boarded  at  Alvarado,  on  the 
25th  of  August,  1824,  by  some  twenty  men,  who  rifled  her  of  $2701 
in  specie,  and  of  numerous  other  articles.  After  threatening  the  life 
of  the  captain,  and  wounding  two  of  the  crew,  they  set  the  vessel 
adrift  by  cutting  her  chain  cable,  which,  with  the  anchor,  were  lost. 
The  claim  in  this  case  is  for  $5544. 

"No.  10.  Schooner  Leda.  —  In  this  case  $988  are  claimed  for  the 
detention  of  this  vessel  some  two  and  a  half  months  at  Tobasco,  in 
1824,  and  for  the  unlawful  exaction  of  tonnage  duties  in  August  of 
that  year. 

"No.  11.  Borie  fy  Laguerenne  and  others.  —  This  claim  on  the 
Mexican  government  is  for  a  return  of  an  overcharge  of  duties  lev 
ied  and  collected  contrary  to  prior  usage,  if  not  to  law,  on  the 
importation  of  several  parcels  of  American  cotton,  imported  into 
Alvarado  in  November  and  December,  1824,  and  January,  1825,  by 
merchants  of  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  The  amount  claimed  is 
$32,721,  with  interest  from  February,  1825. 

"  No.  12.  Schooner  Felix,  and  Cargo.  —  This  vessel  sailed  from  New 
Orleans,  in  August,  1825,  and  on  the  7th  of  September,  anchored  in 
the  Soto  la  Marina  roads  or  harbor,  where  she  was  taken  possession 
of  on  the  same  day  by  the  Mexican  vessel  Tampic.  She  was  con 
demned  on  the  ground  that  she  had  articles  on  board  of  Spanish 
origin.  Her  insurance  was  $30,000. 

"  No.  13.  Brig  DeligM,  of  Philadelphia.  A  double  Claim.  —  This 
vessel,  in  March,  1825,  touched  at  San  Bias,  where  the  officers  of  the 
custom-house  compelled  the  conveyance  of  her  cargo  over  a  mile  to 
the  custom-house  stores,  and  its  reshipment  The  damage  to  the 
owners  was  estimated  at  $3716  48.  The  same  vessel  entered  the 
port  of  Sisal  in  September  of  the  same  year,  where  she  was  seized 


200  APPENDIX. 

by  the  collector  with  an  armed  force,  part  of  her  cargo  forced  on 
shore,  her  hatches  broken  open,  and  the  cargo  taken  to  the  custom 
house.  Estimate  of  damages  arising  from  the  condemnation  and 
sale  of  the  cargo,  &c.,  $15,692  50.  The  Mexican  secretary  of  the 
treasury  had  assured  Mr.  Poinsett  that  an  order  had  been  given  to 
release  the  vessel  and  cargo.  Mr.  Poinsett  pronounced  this  one  of 
the  most  flagrant  and  unjustifiable  violations  of  the  property  of 
American  citizens  on  record. 

"  No.  14.  Schooner  Fair  American,  of  Baltimore.  —  This  vessel 
arrived  at  Refugio,  January  4,  1826,  was  admitted  to  entry,  landed 
her  cargo  under  permit,  and  in  part  removed  it  to  town,  when  the 
whole  was  seized  by  the  Mexican  authorities,  and  confiscated  and 
sold.  The  Mexican  consul  at  Baltimore  afterwards  requested  of  his 
government  that  the  property  might  be  restored,  and  the  owner 
indemnified.  Mr.  Wilson's  claim  for  damages  is  $50,225  21,  the 
justice  of  which  was  understood  to  be  acknowledged  by  the 
Mexican  government.  To  the  demand  of  the  American  minister  for 
damages  in  this  case,  the  Mexican  government  made  evasive  replies, 
and  made  no  answer  to  his  last  note  on  the  subject. 

"  No.  15,  Schooner  Superior,  of  New  York.  —  This  vessel  was 
seized  by  a  Mexican  gun-boat  in  the  port  of  Laguira,  on  the  23d  of 
February,  1826,  on  a  charge  of  smuggling.  The  American  minister 
disproved  this  charge  by  the  fact  that  the  vessel,  after  trial,  was  not 
condemned.  An  authenticated  account  accompanies  Mr.  Poinsett's 
letter,  setting  forth  the  unjustifiable  manner  of  the  seizure,  the 
absence  of  ail  proof,  and  the  wanton  and  shameful  violence  exer 
cised  towards  the  crew.  The  delay  caused  by  the  seizure  of  the 
vessel,  and  her  abandonment  on  account  of  her  becoming  worm- 
eaten,  are  the  grounds  of  this  claim. 

"  No.  16.  Andrews' s  Claim  for  Seizure  of  Wax  at  Mvarado.  — This 
claim  arises  from  the  seizure  by  the  Mexican  government  of 
$1631  25  worth  of  wax,  on  the  pretence  that  it  was  of  Spanish  ori 
gin.  This  wax  was  originally  shipped  from  St.  Petersburgh  to  New 
York,  and  from  thence  to  Vera  Cruz,  when,  not  finding  a  ready  sale 
after  entry,  the  owners  determined  to  reship  it,  but  were  prevented 
by  the  authorities. 


APPENDIX,  201 

"  No.  17.  Ship  Franklin  and  Brig  Barrian,  of  Boston.  —  These 
vessels  formed  an  expedition,  owned  and  fitted  out  by  sundry  per 
sons  of  Boston  and  Salem,  at  an  expense  of  $90,175  02.  In  pursu 
ance  of  their  instructions,  they  traded  at  various  places  on  the  coast 
of  California,  paying  the  customary  duties.  On  the  16th  May,  1828, 
they  were  forbid  further  trading  till  the  whole  cargo  was  landed  at 
St.  Diego,  and  all  duties  paid  to  the  commanding  general  of  Cali 
fornia.  Declining  to  do  this,  they  proceeded  to  the  Island  of  St. 
Catalina,  to  land  and  cure  hides.  Concluding  to  return  to  St.  Diego, 
they  then,  under  a  written  agreement  with  the  governor,  landed  all 
their  cargo  not  left  at  the  island,  which  was  estimated  at  $47,292, 
the  duties  of  which  Avere  $13,005  30.  Eschandia,  the  governor, 
then  gave  them  a  written  permission  to  continue  their  trade,  and  to 
remove  the  property  left  at  St.  Catalina.  Subsequently,  on  asking 
for  their  ship's  papers,  they  were  refused,  on  the  pretext  that  the 
vessels  had  been  to  St.  Catalina,  contrary  to  some  regulation  of  which 
they  knew  nothing.  Notwithstanding  the  charge  of  smuggling  was 
proved  false,  the  Mexicans  put  a  guard  on  board  the  vessel,  and 
commenced  removing  her  cargo.  Tho  captain  at  length  refusing  to 
allow  any  more  to  go  on  shore,  no  condemnation  of  the  vessel  being 
shoAvn,  the  Mexican  officers  and  soldiers  went  ashore.  The  next 
day  the  vessels  put  to  sea  under  a  destructive  fire  from  the  fort. 
They  left  debts  due  from  individuals  and  missions,  to  the  amount  of 
$38,919  04,  besides  goods  deposited  as  security  for  duties,  which, 
with  the  packages  taken  from  the  ship,  run  up  the  whole  claim  for 
damages  to  $53,657  54.  The  whole  property  was  afterwards  con 
fiscated  without  judicial  proceeding. 

"  No.  18.  Eli  E.  fy  J.  S.  Hammond  were  jointly  concerned  in  a 
trading  expedition  to  Santa  Fe  in  1828.  When  within  a  few  miles 
of  that  place,  they  hired  a  Mexican  to  carry  a  part  of  the  goods 
with  mules,  on  account  of  the  roughness  of  the  road.  This  rnan 
was  arrested  on  a  charge  of  smuggling,  and  the  goods  were  confis 
cated,  although  the  Mexican  was  liberated.  He  informed  the 
authorities  of  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  but  the  goods  were  not 
restored.  Hammond  claims  $7000  for  his  loss.  Hammond  also 
claims  $6000  damages  for  injuries  to  his  business  in  1830,  by  the 
conduct  of  Mexican  authorities,  whereby  great  expense  was  in 
curred,  much  time  lost,  and  the  sale  of  his  goods  to  a  profit  de 
stroyed. 


202  APPENDIX. 

"  No.  19.  Brig  William,  of  Newport,  R.  /.  —  This  vessel  was  for 
cibly  detained  and  impressed  into  the  Mexican  service  as  a  transport 
in  1829.  The  owners  claim  $4999  33  damages. 

"No.  20.  Brig  Splendid,  of  New  Haven.  —  A  similar  case  to  the 
last,  whereby  the  owners  were  injured  in  their  business  to  the 
amount  of  $2500. 

"No.  21.  Brig  Ursula,  of  Boston.  —  This  vessel  was  impressed  in 
the  same  manner  into  the  Mexican  service,  to  the  damage  of  the 
owners  to  the  amount  of  $2005. 

"  No.  22.  Pell  4'  Brothers,  of  New  York,  claim  damages  for  the 
destruction  of  a  press  and  type  at  Tampico,  by  the  Spaniards. 

"  No.  23.  Captain  Shaw,  of  the  Schooner  Galaxy,  claims  damages 
for  his  detention  and  imprisonment  at  Tobasco,  in  1829-'30, 
whereby  great  injury  was  done  to  his  business.  He  was  confined 
among  banditti,,  and  was  refused  any  intercourse  with  the  American 
consul.  A  vessel,  with  some  40  or  50  seamen  from  the  United 
States  naval  service,  was  subsequently  sent  to  procure  his  liberation 
and  that  of  others,  which  was  immediately  effected. 

"  No.  24.  Sclwoners  Rebecca  Eliza  and  Alert.  —  These  vessels  were 
seized  at  Tampico  in  1829,  soon  after  the  capitulation  of  a  Spanish 
force  there.  They  were  seized,  and  their  cargoes  confiscated,  on  the 
pretence  that  they  came  with  the  intention  of  selling  provisions  to 
the  Spaniards,  although  they  did  not  arrive  until  four  days  after  the 
capitulation.  The  crews  Avere  badly  treated. 

"  No.  25.  $8826  in  damages  are  claimed  by  the  owners  of 
the  Brig  General  Morelos  for  her  seizure  and  detention  at  Vera 
Cruz  in  1830,  where  she  went  from  New  Orleans  to  be  fitted  out  as 
a  privateer  under  Mexican  authority.  The  Mexican  courts  afterward 
ordered  the  restoration  of  the  vessel. 

"  No.  26.  The  Eliza  Jane,  of  New  York,  put  into  Vera  Cruz  in  a 
leaky  condition,  where  she  was  condemned  as  unseaworthy  and 
sold.  Before  transshipping  the  cargo,  the  captain  was  compelled  to 
give  bond  for  the  payment  of  tonnage  duty.  This  duty  had  before 


APPENDIX.  203 

* 

been  paid  at  the  Mexican  port  from  whence  the  Eliza  Jane  sailed. 
Her  cargo  consisted  of  logwood," obtained  at  Leguira,  a  Mexican 
port 

"  No.  27.  John  Baldwin,  an  American  citizen,  complains  of  gross 
and  outrageous  treatment  at  the  hands  of  the  alcalde  of  Minotitlan 
in  Guazcualco.  He  asserts  that  the  alcalde  was  interested  in  a  suit 
which  was  brought  against  him  by  one  of  his  subordinates.  Some 
altercation  occurring  at  the  proceedings  before  the  alcalde,  he  was 
ordered  to  the  stocks.  He  refused  to  submit,  and  in  attempting  to 
escape,  was  shot  at,  and  severely  injured  by  a  fall.  He  was  captured, 
made  to  stand  in  the  stocks,  and  afterwards  imprisoned.  The 
Mexican  government  were  informed  subsequently  that  the  U.  S. 
government  *  would  regard  this  a  national  question.'  The  reply  of 
the  Mexican  executive  was,  that  it  was  a  matter  of  judicial  investi 
gation,  &c. 

"  No.  28.  Schooner  Topaz.  —  The  master  of  this  vessel  con 
tracted,  in  1832,  to  transport  150  Mexican  soldiers  from  Matamoras 
to  Galveston.  During  the  passage,  the  master  and  mate  were  killed 
by  the  Mexican  officers,  and  the  crew  were  forced  to  run  the  vessel 
into  Anahuac.  Here  they  were  imprisoned  on  a  charge  of  killing 
their  captain  and  mate,  and  attempts  were  made  by  the  officers 
above  mentioned  to  make  them  confess  to  that  crime.  They  were 
at  last  liberated  on  their  agreement  to  be  bound  to  the  officers  to 
serve  them  for  three  years.  One  of  them  subsequently  escaped  to 
the  United  States,  and  testified  to  the  facts  above  stated.  He 
states  that  the  Mexican  officers  divided  the  captain's  money 
between  them.  He  thinks  he  had  3000  or  4000  dollars. 

"  No.  29.  The  Schooner  Brazoria  was  seized  at  the  port  of  Bra- 
zoria  in  June,  1832,  and  used  in  an  attack  by  the  Mexicans  upon 
Anahuac.  She  was  so  much  injured  that  the  owners  abandoned 
her  to  the  underwriters,  who  are  the  claimants  in  this  case.  The 
amount  claimed  is  $6800.  The  Mexican  government  afterwards 
expressed  a  willingness  to  allow  only  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of 
the  vessel  to  the  claimants. 

"  No.  30.  Aaron  Leggett,  merchant  of  New  York,  claims  several 
hundred  thousand  dollars  in  damages  for  the  seizure  and  detention 


204  APPENDIX. 

of  the  steamer  Hidalgo  in  the  Tobasco  River  in  June,  1832,  and  for 
damages  arising  therefrom.  He  had  acquired  the  sole  right,  from 
the  legislature  of  Tobasco,  of  navigating  that  river  by  steamboats 
for  a  period  of  ten  years.  In  anticipation  of  the  advantages  that 
would  arise  from  this  privilege,  he  entered  into  very  extensive  con 
tracts  for  the  delivery  of  great  quantities  of  logwood  for  several 
subsequent  years,  at  different  points,  from  whence  it  was  to  be 
carried  down  the  river  by  lighters,  towed  by  the  steamer.  Several 
vessels  were  employed  by  Mr.  Leggett  for  the  transportation  of  the 
logwood  from  Mexico.  These  vessels  arrived  at  Tobasco ;  but  as 
the  steamer  had  been  seized  by  the  Mexicans  for  military  purposes, 
no  cargoes  were  ready  for  them,  and  they  returned  to  the  ports  to 
which  they  belonged.  The  owners  demanded  the  penalties  of  the 
charter  parties,  which  the  claimant  has  paid  to  the  extent  of  his 
ability.  Tobasco  was,  in  1832,  the  seat  of  military  disturbances, 
whereby  Mr.  Leggett  suffered  great  loss  of  property,  besides  the 
loss  of  the  immense  profits  which  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  he 
would  have  obtained  from  the  enjoyment  of  the  great  privilege 
granted  by  the  legislature  of  Tobasco.  The  Mexican  government 
subsequently  acknowledged  the  great  losses  and  sacrifices  of  Mr. 
Leggett,  but  plead  inability  to  satisfy  his  reasonable  demands. 

"  No.  31.  Schooner  Augustus.  —  This  vessel  put  into  port  at 
Brazos  de  Santiago,  in  a  leaky  condition,  on  the  18th  June,  1833. 
On  a  mere  suspicion  of  an  intention  to  land  the  cargo  clandestinely 
on  the  Mexican  coast,  the  vessel  and  cargo  were  seized,  and  after  a 
detention  of  ten  months,  the  Mexican  courts  awarded  restitution  of 
the  vessel  and  cargo,  and  payment  of  costs  and  damages.  Mean 
time  the  vessel  became  worm-eaten,  and  it  was  abandoned.  The 
claim  in  this  case  is  for  $G030  09. 

"  No.  32.  The  Schooner  Wetree  was  seized  by  the  authorities  of 
Tampico  in  July,  1833,  when  it  was  abandoned  by  its  master  and 


"  No.  33.  Brig  Industry.  —  This  vessel  was  detained  at  Tobasco, 
in  March,  1834,  on  the  pretence  that  her  forescuttle  was  not  sealed 
at  the  time  of  her  arrival.  The  captain  was  imprisoned  for  thirteen 
days,  and  was  obliged  to  pay  $160  to  regain  his  liberty.  The  col 
lector  of  the  port  at  length  gave  the  captain  leave  to  proceed  to  sea, 
when  the  judge  of  the  court  ordered  the  vessel  to  be  brought  back, 


APPENDIX.  .  205 

declaring  that  she  should  not  be  allowed  to  depart  until  fifty  ounces 
of  gold  were  paid.  The  captain  thereupon  abandoned  the  vessel  to  the 
authorities,  for  whose  benefit  it  was  sold.  $11,060  68  are  claimed 
as  damages  in  this  case.  The  Mexican  government  have  promised 
full  indemnity  to  the  owner  for  all  losses  and  damages. 

"  No.  34.  The  ScJwoner  Wm.  A.  Turner  put  into  Sisal  in  distress, 
on  the  5th  of  May,  1834,  when  she  and  her  cargo  were  seized. 
They  were  directed  to  be  restored  by  the  district  judge  ;  but  in  con 
sequence  of  the  pronunciamento  of  5th  July,  all  communication  with 
the  lower  court  was  cut  off.  The  vessel  was  still  detained  on  the 
9th  of  August,  1834. 

"  No.  35.  The  Brig  Paragon  was  fired  upon  by  the  Mexican 
armed  schooner  Tampico,  in  the  summer  of  1834.  When  this  case 
was  laid  before  the  Mexican  government  by  the  American  minister, 
it  was  replied,  that  the  Tampico  was  then  in  a  state  of  mutiny,  and 
that  measures  had  been  taken  to  punish  the  offenders. 

"No.  36.  The  captain  of  Scfiooner  Two  Brothers  lost  a  bundle  of 
papers,  in  1834,  while  crossing  the  bar  at  Tampico  in  a  boat,  which 
was  upset.  Among  the  papers  were  the  invoices  of  three  boxes  of 
merchandise,  which  were  condemned  for  want  of  invoices.  The 
cause  of  the  want  of  invoices  was  explained  to  the  collector  and 
judge,  and  an  offer  was  made  to  exhibit  the  original  invoice  of  the 
cost,  and  letters  to  prove  the  property ;  but  the  offer  was  not  accepted. 
The  cost  of  the  merchandise  condemned  was  $1000. 

"  No.  37.  The  Schooner  St.  Croix  arrived  at  Aransas  Bay,  in  Texas, 
on  the  25th  September,  1834.  The  master  was  imprisoned  by  order 
of  the  collector,  and  otherwise  maltreated,  for  failing  to  pay  his 
port  charges  and  tonnage  duties  as  promptly  as  the  collector  sup 
posed  he  ought  to  have  done.  The  vessel  became  unseaworthy  in 
the  mean  time,  and  was  abandoned.  There  does  not  appear  to  be 
any  judicial  proceedings  in  the  case. 

"  No.  38.    This  claim  is  for  the  illegal  exaction  of  double  ton 
nage  duties  on  the  Brig  Weston,  at  Mazatlan,  whither  she  proceeded 
in  ballast  from  Guagmas,  her  port   of  discharge.      The  amount 
exacted  was  $352  75. 
18 


206  APPENDIX. 

"  No.  39.  The  Schooner  Martha,  was  seized  at  Brazoria,  by  the 
Mexican  vessel  of  war  Montezuma.  in  May,  1835,  and  condemned, 
it  is  presumed,  on  a  charge  that  some  of  the  articles  of  her  cargo 
were  not  included  in  the  manifest.  This  was  made  the  subject  of  a 
strong  representation  from  the  president  of  the  United  States,  which 
was  followed  by  a  promise  from  the  Mexican  government  to  institute 
an  examination  in  the  case. 

"  No.  40.  The  Schooner  Harriet  Elizabeth  was  stranded  near  Mata- 
gorda,  in  1835.  While  in  this  situation,  she  was  fired  upon  by  a 
Mexican  schooner,  and  her  captain,  crew,  and  passengers,  carried  to 
Matamoras  and  imprisoned.  Reparation  was  demanded  by  Mr. 
Ellis,  in  1836,  but  has  never  been  given  by  the  Mexican  government. 

"  No.  41.  The  Brig  Ophia  arrived  off  Campeachy  in  1835,  and 
was  condemned  by  the  district  court  of  that  country,  without 
allowing  the  captain  any  opportunity  of  defending  himself,  for  no 
other  reason  than  because  he  did  not  produce  certain  manifests, 
which  a  Mexican  custom-house  officer  advised  him  to  leave  on 
board.  Reparation  has  been  demanded  also  in  this  case,  but 
without  effect. 

"  No.  42.  The  Brig  Jane  and  four  other  vessels  were  detained  at 
Matamoras,  in  183G,  contrary  to  express  treaty  stipulations,  and 
when  reparation  was  demanded,  the  excuse  rendered  for  the  outrage 
was,  that  certain  hostile  vessels  were  cruising  in  those  waters,  and 
that  the  orders  by  which  the  Jane,  &c.,  were  detained,  were  without 
authority  from  the  supreme  government.  No  reparation  was,  how 
ever,  granted. 

"No.  43.  In  1836,  the  Brig  Eclipse  was  seized  at  Tobasco,(on 
what  ground  does  not  appear,)  her  crew  insulted  and  maltreated,  and 
her  captain  imprisoned.  Amount  claimed  for  the  seizure  of  this 
vessel,  $9157. 

"  No  44.  Mr.  Coleman,  acting  consul  of  the  United  States  at 
Tobasco,  was  summoned  before  the  authorities,  in  1836,  and  pub 
licly  insulted  and  ill  treated,  because  he  refused  to  legalize  certain 
documents,  the  result  of  which  would  be  to  defraud. 


APPENDIX.  207 

"  No.  45.  The  Schooner  Aurora  was  stranded  on  the  coast  of  Mex 
ico,  in  1836.  A  part  of  the  cargo  was  landed  by  the  crew,  when 
it  was  immediately  taken  possession  of  by  an  armed  body  of  Mex 
icans.  On  the  crew  remonstrating  against  these  proceedings,  they 
were  insulted,  maltreated,  and  the  mate  seriously  injured.  There 
upon  the  crew  proceeded  to  Tobasco  and  delivered  the  goods  over 
to  our  consul  at  that  place,  who,  on  taking  possession  thereof,  found 
that  over  one  half  had  been  plundered. 

"  No.  46.  While  the  Schooner  Bethlehem  was  proceeding  toward 
Campeachy,  she  was  boarded  by  a  captain  of  the  Mexican  navy, 
and  her  officers  and  men  sent  on  board  the  Mexican  flag-ship,  where 
they  were  detained  —  a  part  of  them  in  chains.  On  the  captain  of 
the  Bethlehem  landing,  he  found  that  his  vessel  had  been  con 
demned,  and  himself  banished,  without  a  hearing,  five  vears,  from 
the  trade. 

No.  47.  It  was  proposed  to  sell  the  Brig  Fourth  of  July  to  the 
Mexican  government ;  but  while  the  negotiation  was  going  on,  she 
was  taken  possession  of  by  the  Mexican  authorities,  and  the  Mex 
ican  flag  hoisted.  Mr.  Ellis,  then  our  minister  in  Mexico,  de 
manded  the  release  of  the  vessel,  to  which  demand  no  answer  has 
been  returned. 

"  No.  48.  Eight  men,  under  command  of  Midshipman  Renshaw, 
from  the  U.  S.  sloop  of  war  Natchez,  landed  on  the  mole  in  Vera 
Cruz,  in  1836.  During  the  absence  of  the  commanding  officer,  the 
men  got  intoxicated,  and  one  of  them  quarrelled  with  a  fisherman. 
The  fight  soon  became  general,  and  the  Mexicans  were  restrained 
from  firing  on  the  Americans  only  by  the  interference  of  the  cap 
tain  of  the  port.  Midshipman  R.,  on  account  of  the  intoxication 
of  his  men,  was  compelled  to  leave  them  on  shore,  in  charge  of  a 
Mexican  officer ;  and  when  he  demanded  them  of  the  authorities,  on 
the  succeeding  day,  their  release  was  refused.  Several  of  the  sea 
men  were  severely  wounded,  yet  no  investigation  into  the  conduct 
of  the  Mexican  guard  appears  to  have  been  instituted. 

"  No.  49.  In  1836,  William  Hallett  and  Zalmon  Hall,  citizens  of 
the  United  States,  were  arrested  in  the  streets  of  Matamoras  by  an 
armed  force,  who  struck  one  of  them  on  the  face,  and  took  both  to 


208  APPENDIX. 

the  principal  barrack.  Here  they  were  confined,  while  a  guard  was 
placed  at  the  door  of  the  house  of  the  American  consul,  to  prevent 
his  interference  in  the  matter.  The  house  was  searched  for  the 
consul  himself,  and  much  of  his  property  was  stolen. 

"  No.  50.  In  1836,  the  Schooner  Peter  D.  Vroom  was  wrecked  on 
the  coast  above  Vera  Cruz.  Boves,  the  person  to  whom  the  cargo 
was  consigned,  renounced  his  agency  in  the  matter,  and  the  Mex 
ican  courts  appointed  Manuel  de  Vega  to  dispose  of  the  cargo  in 
his  place.  The  claim  is  that  the  Mexican  authorities  had  no  right 
to  interfere,  since  the  captain  of  the  schooner  to  whom  the  agency 
reverted  on  the  abandonment  of  Boves,  had  appointed  the  U.  S. 
consul  agent  for  the  disposal  of  the  goods. 

"  No.  51.  The  American  citizens  at  Tampico  having  requested 
that  a  man-of-war  might  be  sent  for  their  protection,  Lieutenant 
Osborne,  with  a  boat's  crew  from  the  revenue  cutter  Jefferson,  pro 
ceeded  there,  when  he  was  arrested  by  the  authorities,  carried  off 
and  examined.  On  his  return,  he  learned  that  his  crew  had  also 
been  arrested  and  held  for  a  long  time  in  confinement  Gomez,  who 
committed  these  outrages,  was  removed  therefor  by  the  supreme 
government,  but  was  subsequently  appointed  commandant  at  Vera 
Cruz. 

"  No.  52.  The  Ship  Robert  Wilson  was  seized  and  condemned  at 
Vera  Cruz,  in  1833,  on  the  alleged  ground  that  she  had  imported 
false  coin.  In  the  suit  which  Avas  instituted  in  the  United  States 
for  the  recovery  of  the  insurance,  the  defence  was,  that  the  charge 
was  true.  It  failed,  however,  because  the  Mexican  government 
refused  to  furnish  the  proof,  (if  indeed  it  had  any,)  by  which  to  sub 
stantiate  the  allegation.  The  amount  paid  by  the  insurance  com 
pany,  and  for  which  the  Mexican  government  is  responsible,  because 
it  refused  to  furnish  the  proof,  is  $12,313  26. 

"No.  53.  The  Schooner  William  Jl.  Turner,  of  which  James 
O'Flaherty  was  master,  was  seized  off  Sisal,  in  1834,  by  an  armed 
Mexican  force.  The  vessel  was  released  after  Captain  O'Flaherty 
had  given  bonds  for  her  value.  In  1836,  his  vessel  was  again 
seized  —  himself  confined,  liberated,  and  after  entering  into  bonds 
for  $1200,  his  vessel  released.  Soon  after,  the  vessel  was  again 


APPENDIX.  209 

seized,  and  the  captain  confined  in  the  cabin,  from  whence  he  was 
sent  as  a  prisoner  to  Tobasco.  From  this  place,  where  he  had  been 
confined  in  the  public  prison,  he  was  conveyed,  still  as  a  prisoner, 
to  Campeachy,  and  cast  a  second  time  into  confinement. 

"  Captain  O'Flaherty  is  entirely  ignorant  of  the  cause  of  these 
repeated  indignities,  and  at  no  time  has  any  charge  been  preferred 
against  him. 

"He  claims,  for  the  loss  of  property,  $18,000. 

"  No.  54.  A.  de  O.  Santangelo,  a  naturalized  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  was  the  editor  of  a  newspaper  in  Mexico.  He  also 
kept  a  school  for  the  instruction  of  young  ladies.  Some  editorial 
article  gave  offence  to  the  Mexican  government,  whereupon  he  was 
ordered  to  quit  the  country,  which  order  he  affirms  is  contrary  to 
the  laws  of  Mexico,  as  to  tho  treaty  existing  between  the  United 
States  and  Mexico.  He  claims  $300  as  an  indemnification  for  his 
sudden  banishment. 

"No.  55.  Mr.  Gorastiza,  recently  envoy  extraordinary  and 
minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  Mexican  Republic  to  the  United 
States,  caused  to  be  printed  and  distributed  among  the  foreign  min 
isters  accredited  to  this  government,  a  pamphlet  defamatory  of  the 
government  and  people  of  the  United  States. 

"No.  56.  For  all  exactions  which  may  have  been  made  from 
citizens  of  the  United  States  under  laws  of  the  Mexican  Republic 
authorizing  forced  loans,  ample  indemnification  will  be  demanded. 

"  No.  57.  Louisiana,  Champion,  Julius  CfEsar.  —  These  vessels 
were  captured  by  the  Mexican  squadron  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  in 
the  spring  of  1837,  for  an  alleged  violation  of  a  pretended  block 
ade  of  the  ports  of  Texas. 

"  A  List  of  Claims  on  Mexico  which  arose  prior  to  December,  1837,   but 
which  ivere  not  then  brought  to  the  Notice  of  the  Department  of  State. 

"  No.  58.  W.  F.  fy  E.  D.  Hyde  fy  Co.  claim  full  indemnification  for 
the  alleged  capture  and  condemnation  of  a  quantity  of  dry  goods 
shipped  at  New  Orleans  for  Brazonia,  in  Texas,  in  the  spring  of 
1835,  amounting  in  value  to  about  $23,000. 

18* 


210  APPENDIX. 

"  No.  59.  Thomas  Toby  fy  Brother,  of  New  Orleans,  claim  a  resti 
tution  of  $30,000,  for  goods  captured  and  condemned  under  the 
sama  circumstances  as  in  No.  1. 

"  No.  CO.  William  Trean,  ofN.  Y.,  the  American  Insurance  Co.,  of 
N.  Y.,  and  the  ividow  and  executrix  of  Simon  Cuculla,  of  New  Or 
leans,  claim  indemnification  for  the  capture  and  condemnation,  on 
a  pretence  altogether  frivolous,  of  the  schooner  Isaac  McKim,  in 
September,  1825. 

"  No.  61.  /.  W.  Lacharie  &f  Co.,  of  New  Orleans.  —  The  claims  of 
this  firm  are  for  three  vessels  and  their  cargoes  illegally  captured 
and  condemned,  and  for  one  wantonly  destroyed,  in  1822, 1824,  and 
1825,  respectively. 

"  No.  62.  Mercantile  Insurance  Co.,  of  N.  Y.  —  This  claim  origin 
ated  in  a  contract  made  in  1826,  by  General  Cortez,  as  agent  of 
the  Mexican  government,  with  the  late  Henry  Eckford,  for  the 
building  of  a  vessel  of  war.  The  claim  is  for  about  $20,000,  and 
has  never  been  disputed  by  the  Mexican  agents. 

"  No.  63.  Henry  Dolliver  claims  indemnification  for  the  loss  of 
all  his  property,  consequent  upon  the  seizure  of  his  vessel  and 
cargo,  under  the  most  aggravated  circumstances.  This  illegal  act 
was  committed  by  Mexican  authorities  in  1829. 

"  No.  64.  William  H.  Brown  and  others,  Owners  of  the  Steamboat 
Planter.  —  This  claim  is  for  the  impressment  and  forcible  employ 
ment  of  the  above  boat,  at  Tobasco,  (date  not  given,)  arid  for  illegal 
duties  exacted  from  them. 

"  No.  65.  Franklin  Combs.  —  This  claim  is  for  articles  of  which 
he  was  robbed  when  taken  prisoner  in  the  Texan  Santa  Fe  expe 
dition. 

"  No.  66.  Peter  ffotz  claims  of  the  Mexican  government,  as  one 
of  the  shippers  of  the  cargo  of  the  schooner  Arete  Ellis,  of  which 
the  said  Hotz  was  owner  and  master,  a  proportion  of  the  loss  sus 
tained  by  him  from  his  vessel  springing  a  leak,  thereby  compelling 
him  to  throw  overboard  several  articles,  in  November,  1825. 


APPENDIX.  211 

"  No.  67.  Mary  Hughes,  Widow  of  George  Hughes,  Master  of 
the  Brig  John,  of  N.  Y.  —  The  brig  John,  lying  at  anchor  in  the 
River  Tobasco  in  1832,  was  boarded  and  captured  by  an  armed  force^ 
on  a  pretext  altogether  unfounded.  Captain  Hughes  was  knocked 
down,  cruelly  beaten  with  the  butts  of  the  muskets  of  the  boarding 
party,  carried  off  and  imprisoned,  and  the  cargo  and  stores  of  the 
vessel  plundered.  Captain  Hughes  subsequently  died  from  the 
wounds  received  on  this  occasion. 

"  Mary  Hughes  claims  reparation  therefor. 

"  No.  68.  James  Cochrane,  engineer  of  the  steamer  Hidalgo,  was 
impressed  into  the  Mexican  service,  together  with  the  boat,  in  1832, 
cruelly  and  ignominiously  treated,  and  compelled  to  do  duty  as 
engineer  for  two  months.  He  claims  reparation  for  the  breaking  up 
of  his  business,  and  for  false  imprisonment. 

"  No.  69.  John  Belden  has  two  claims  against  the  Mexican 
government,  one  for  $4500,  on  account  of  damages  sustained  by  him, 

and  the  other  for  a  forced  loan  at  San  Luis  Potosi. 

• 

Claims  against  Mexico  for  Injuries  committed  since  December  2,  1837. 

"  No.  70.  Claim  of  Samuel  Baldwin.  —  Mr.  B.,  a  citizen  of  the 
U.  S.,  settled  in  Mexico  some  years  since,  and  had  acquired  con 
siderable  property.  On  the  most  frivolous  pretext  he  was  seized 
and  thrown  into  the  public  prison  with  the  vilest  criminals.  While 
there,  additional  charges  were  fabricated  against  him  —  he  was 
loaded  with  irons,  poison  was  given  him  in  his  coffee,  and  he  endured 
the  most  unparalleled  sufferings  from  the  brutal  treatment  of  one 
Gomez,  his  jailer.  From  Acayuacan,  where  these  barbarities  were 
committed,  Mr.  B.  was  sent  to  Vera  Cruz,  and  cast  into  a  wet  and 
filthy  jail  in  the  Castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulloa.  On  his  journey, 
which  was  performed  on  a  jackass,  he  was  compelled  to  support  the 
heavy  burden  of  his  chains,  from  which  resulted  an  incurable  lame 
ness.  For  these  unparalleled  outrages  no  redress  has  been  received 
from  the  Mexican  government. 

"  No.  71.  Claims  of  Henry  B.  Horton,  Walter  W.  Mam,  and  Jos. 
Kelley.  —  The  claimants,  seamen  on  board  the  American  barque 
Roger  Williams,  having  been  paid  off  and  discharged  at  Monterey, 
California,  in  1840,  were  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to  return  home, 


212  APPENDIX. 

when  they,  together  with  other  Americans,  were  seized  and  con 
ducted  to  prison.  They  obtained  their  release,  but  were  a  second 
time  arrested,  robbed,  and  cast  into  jail,  no  cause  for  their  commit 
ment  ever  having  been  assigned. 

"  No.  72.  Claim  of  William  Lord  Etheridge  Thompson.  —  Thomp 
son,  an  American  seaman,  was  wrecked  near  San  Bias,  in  1838. 
In  1840,  he  was  twice  arrested  and  thrown  into  prison  —  no  cause 
whatever  being  assigned  for  his  detention  in  either  case.  After 
suffering  the  most  cruel  treatment,  he  was  released  ;  but  found,  on 
his  return  to  the  firm  where  he  had  labored  since  his  shipwreck  in 
1838,  that  all  his  property  had  been  taken  from  him.  No  redress  has 
ever  been  granted  by  the  Mexican  government. 

"No.  73.  Claim  of  Stephen  Smith. —Mr.  Smith  arrived  at  San 
Bias  in  May,  1845,  from  N.  Y.,  on  his  way  to  Bondega  in  Upper 
California,  where  he  had  several  lucrative  establishments ;  among 
which  were  a  store  containing  $52,000  worth  of  goods,  a  flour  mill 
calculated  to  grind  thirty  barrels  of  flour  per  day,  and  a  distillery 
yielding  two  hundred  gallons  per  day. 

"At  San  Bias,  he  was  arrested  and  imprisoned  on  a  frivolous  pre 
tence,  in  consequence  of  which,  the  operations  of  his  establishments 
were  suspended. 

"  No.  74.  Claims  of  Isaac  Graham,  William  Church,  Joseph  L. 
Majors,  Charhs  Brown,  and  others.  —  These  Americans,  with  six 
others,  were  seized  in  California,  where  they  were  engaged  in 
business,  in  April,  1840,  by  the  Mexican  authorities,  without  any 
just  cause  or  provocation,  and  thrown  into  prison.  From  their 
memorial  to  the  department  of  state,  it  appears  that  they  received 
the  most  barbarous  treatment.  After  being  conveyed  from  one 
place  to  another  in  the  lower  hold  of  vessels  and  in  chains,  —  six 
being  confined  to  one  bar  of  iron,  —  they  were  finally  set  at  liberty 
in  the  city  of  Tepee,  without  any  reason  being  assigned  by  the 
Mexican  government  for  its  outrageous  proceeding  against  them.  It 
also  appears  that  at  the  time  of  his  arrest,  the  house  of  Mr.  Graham 
was  surrounded,  fired  into,  and  $36,000  in  specie  plundered  therefrom. 

"  No.  75.  Claims  of  A.  C.  BredaU,  of  New  Orleans.—  1st.  The 
Schooner  Lodi,  with  a  valuable  cargo  of  lawful  goods,  both  belonging 


APPENDIX.  213 

to  Mr.  Bredall,  sailed  from  New  Orleans  in  May,  1833,  bound  for 
Matamoras  in  Mexico.  On  her  arrival  there,  without  any  allegation 
of  offence  committed  or  contemplated,  she  was  seized,  her  cargo 
landed,  exposed,  and  pillaged.  After  a  long  detention,  the  cargo 
and  vessel  were  restored ;  but  the  latter  was  so  much  injured  by 
worms,  and  her  sails,  rigging,  and  stores  so  much  damaged,  that  she 
was  obliged  to  be  run  on  shore  on  her  passage  back  to  New  Orleans, 
in  order  to  save  the  lives  of  the  passengers  and  crew.  A  total  loss 
of  the  vessel  and  cargo  was  the  consequence. 

"  2d.  In  1843,  Mr.  Bredall  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz,  with  passports 
granted  him  by  the  Mexican  consul  at  New  Orleans.  He  presented 
them  to  the  proper  authorities,  but  was  arrested  and  imprisoned  on 
the  charge  of  a  design  upon  the  life  of  General  Santa  Anna.  .During 
his  detention,  he  suffered  the  most  wanton,  cruel,  and  humiliating 
indignities  and  privations ;  and  upon  his  release,  he  readied  New 
Orleans  in  a  helpless  and  shattered  condition  —  his  constitution 
broken,  his  hearing  destroyed,  and  sinking  under  a  hopeless  con 
sumption.  It  is  proper  to  remark  that  the  British  minister  demanded  and 
obtained  liberal  damages  on  behalf  of  three  British  subjects  who  were 
imprisoned  with  Mr.  Bredall. 

"  No.  76.  Claim  ofJ.  Barber  and  William  Erevan.  —  The  schooner 
Vigilant,  owned  by  Barber  &  Erevan,  the  former  also  master,  was 
captured  by  a  Mexican  man-of-war,  about  twenty  eight-miles  north 
ward  of  Campeachy,  in  1843,  her  papers  taken  from  her,  the 
captain  and  crew  held  in  confinement,  and  the  wife  of  Captain  B. 
subjected  to  such  shameful  treatment  that  he  deemed  it  unsafe  for 
her  to  remain  on  board.  Although  the  captain  and  crew  were 
subsequently  released,  yet  the  schooner  and  cargo  were  kept  by  the 
captors. 

"  The  pretext  alleged  for  this  outrage  was  one  altogether 
unfounded. 

"No.  77.  Claim  of  C.  fy  H.  Childs,  of  Conn.— The  schooner 
Cornelian,  of  which  the  Childs  were  owners,  was  seized  at  Mata 
moras  in  March,  1843,  after  her  cargo  had  been  landed  by  regular 
permit  from  the  proper  officers,  and  condemned,  and  the  captain 
fined  $100.  The  reason  assigned  for  this  illegal  seizure  was, 
that  two  bales  of  cotton  were  found  on  the  beach  at  Matamoras, 


214  APPENDIX. 

which  the  custom-house  officers  supposed  came  from  the  Cornelian. 
The  cargo  of  the  C.  was  composed  of  lumber ;  no  cotton  was  on  board. 

"No.  78.  Claim  of  A.  J.  Jltocha.  —  Mr.  Atocha,  a  naturalized 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  resided  for  several  years  in  Mexico, 
where  he  had  established  extensive  commercial  relations,  and 
acquired  considerable  property.  His  claim  is  for  large  sums  loaned 
the  Mexican  government,  and  reparation  for  being  expelled  from 
that  country  without  just  cause,  during  the  revolution  which  resulted 
in  the  establishment  of  the  government  of  Paredes,  by  which  expul 
sion  his  business  was  entirely  destroyed. 

"  No.  79.  Claim  of  Mrs.  Anne  Kelley.  —  William  H.  Lee,  son  of 
the  claimant,  and  an  American  citizen,  carried  on  business  in  Mata- 
moras.  Without  any  allegation  of  offence,  he  was  suddenly  expelled 
from  the  country,  in  1843,  which,  in  addition  to  the  breaking  up  of 
his  establishment,  caused  a  forced  sale  of  his  property,  which 
resulted  in  a  very  heavy  loss.  Mr.  Lee  has  since  died,  and  Mrs. 
Kelley  claims  reparation  as  his  heir. 

"  No.  80.  Claim  of  Dr.  Charles  W.  Davis.  —  This  claim  is  for 
$10,600,  being  the  amount  of  a  judgment  rendered  against  George 
D.  Penny,  an  English  merchant  trading  in  Mexico,  for  the  violation 
of  certain  contracts  made  with  Davis.  Although  the  justice  of 
Davis's  claim  had  twice  been  acknowledged  by  inferior  courts,  Penny 
appealed  to  a.  higher  tribunal,  Avhich  refused  to  act  because  the  sal 
aries  of  the  judges  had  not  been  paid  by  the  Mexican  government. 
Davis  claims,  therefore,  that  Mexico  is  responsible  for  the  above 
sum. 

"  No.  81.  Claim  of  Captain  Jonas  P.  Levy.  —  1st.  In  1843,  the 
store  of  the  claimant,  with  all  its  contents,  was  forcibly  taken  posses 
sion  of  with  the  connivance  of  the  public  authorities,  and  never 
returned.  Amount  of  property  lost,  $6846  02.  Reparation  has 
been  refused  from  the  commission  of  the  outrage  to  the  present 
time. 

"  2d.  This  claim  is  for  illegal  duties  extorted  from  Captain  Levy 
by  the  collector  of  the  port  of  Laguna,  in  1843,  under  false  pre 
tences,  amounting  to  $513  89. 

"  3d.    The  third  claim  is  for  goods  belonging  to  the  claimant  and 


APPENDIX.  215 

his  brother,  thrown  overboard  by  the  captain  of  the  steamboat  Petri- 
ta,  amounting  to  $7483  25,  for  which  relief  has  been  denied  by  the 
Mexican  government. 

"  4th.  Captain  Levy  also  claims  reparation  for  being  imprisoned 
after  the  commencement  of  hostilities  between  the  United  States 
and  Mexico,  in  direct  violation  of  the  treaty  providing  for  the  occur 
rence  of  such  an  event,  and  for  being  compelled  to  leave  Mexico 
without  time  to  arrange  his  business,  also  in  violation  of  treaty  stip 
ulations. 

"  No.  82.  Claim  of  L.  S.  Hargous  fy  Co.  —  The  claims  of  this 
firm  against  Mexico  are  for  loans,  advances,  supplies  furnished, 
and  amounts  due  on  contracts,  &c.,  amounting,  with  interest  due 
thereon,  to  $1,095,498.  They  also  claim  damages  for  being 
expelled  from  Vera  Cruz,  by  which  their  mercantile  transactions 
were  seriously  injured. 

"  No.  83.  Claims  of  John  Parrott,  late  U.  S.  Consul  at  Mazatlan.  — 
The  claimant  was  forced,  in  1845,  by  the  Mexican  authorities,  to 
give  bonds  for  the  repayment  of  the  duties  on  the  cargo  of  a  vessel 
belonging  to  his  house,  although  he  had  in  his  possession  (and 
showed  them  to  the  proper  officers)  passports  certifying  that  the 
duties  had  already  been  paid.  These  bonds  are  still  in  the  posses 
sion  of  the  Mexican  government,  to  be  enforced  against  the  sureties 
of  the  claimant. 

"  No.  84.  2d  Claim  of  John  Parrott  fy  Co.  — The  house  of  Par 
rott  &  Co.  having  refused  to  comply  with  a  decree  which  had  been 
annulled  since  1837,  a  military  force  was  despatched  on  the  18th 
April,  1845,  by  Canedo,  the  collector  of  the  port  of  Mazatlan,  which 
entered  and  took  possession  of  their  house,  and  placed  property  to 
the  amount  of  $44,000,  and  the  archives  of  the  consulate  of  the 
United  States,  under  embargo.  In  this  state  they  still  remain. 

"  In  the  mean  time,  an  English  vessel,  with  a  cargo  valued  in 
England  at  £35,000,  consigned  to  the  house  of  Parrott  &  Co., 
arrived  off  the  port  of  Mazatlan ;  but  deeming  it  unsafe,  at  that  par 
ticular  time,  to  land  the  goods,  she  was  ordered  to  sea.  On  her  pas 
sage  to  Monterey,  she  was  cast  away  and  lost,  by  which  P.  &  Co 
lost  the  commission  they  would  have  obtained  on  selling  the  cargo. 


216  APPENDIX. 

"  No.  85.  Claim  of  F.  M.  Dimond,  late  Consul  of  the  United  States 
at  Vera  Cruz.  —  Mr.  Dimond  claims  damages  for  being  expelled 
from  Vera  Cruz,  in  contravention  of  the  treaty  existing  between  the 
United  States  and  Mexico,  by  which  his  extensive  business  was 
entirely  broken  up. 

"  No.  86.    Claim  o/Elisha  H.  Saulnier.  —  Claim  similar  to  No.  36. 

"  No.  87.  Claim  of  Franklin  and  Ann  Chase.  —  This  claim  is  for 
damages  sustained  in  consequence  of  their  summary  expulsion  from 
Tampico,  in  violation  of  the  treaty. 

"  List  of  Claims  on  Mexico  ichich  have  arisen  since  30th  December,  1837, 
not  included  in  the  foregoing . 

"No.  88.  /.  Roberts  fy  Co.,  of  New  Orleans.  —  This  claim  is  for 
$9000  advanced  to  Mr.  Martinez,  the  Mexican  minister  in  this 
country,  on  the  faith  of  drafts  on  his  government  which  were  not 


"  No.  89.  Parrott,  Talbot,  Sf  Co.  —  Claim  $2958  for  a  balance  due 
on  Mexican  treasury  warrants,  payment  of  which  was  suspended 
by  order  of  the  government. 

"  No.  90.  Isaac  D.  Marlts  —  Claims  damages  for  a  breach  of  con 
tract  made  by  him  with  General  Arista,  for  the  importation  of 
$20,000  worth  of  prohibited  goods  at  Matamoras.  Powers  for  the 
purpose  were  vested  in  the  general  by  his  government,  but  were 
subsequently  revoked. 

"No.  91.  /.  T.  Laguerenne  fy  Co.,  of  New  Orleans  —  Claim 
indemnification  for  the  seizure  and  condemnation  of  the  brig  George 
Washington,  at  Vera  Cruz,  in  1841. 

"No.  92.  J.M.  Castanos  —  Consul  of  the  United  States  at  San 
Bias,  advanced  $1150,  for  the  transportation  back  to  California,  of 
certain  citizens  of  the  United  States,  who  had  been  forcibly  taken 
from  that  country,  by  Mexican  authorities,  in  1840. 

"  No.  93.   'Bensley  —  Claims   damages  for  being  deprived  by 

the  governor  of  San  Luis  Potosi,  of  his  apprentice  boy. 


APPENDIX.  217 

"  No.  94.  G.  W.  Stavorens  —  Claims  reparation  for  the  confisca 
tion  of  two  thousand  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  pounds  of  chew 
ing  tobacco,  at  Vera  Cruz,  in  1840. 

"No.  95.  C  F.Driscott  —  Claims  $887  for  alleged  illegal  dis 
criminating  tonnage  and  pilotage  duties,  and  for  a  fine  exacted  on 
the  brig  A.  E.,  at  Tampico  in  1839. 

"  In  a  letter  written  by  Mr.  Forsyth,  secretary  of  state,  to  the 
Mexican  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  under  date  of  May  27,  1837, 
demanding  redress  for  these  outrages,  he  says, — 

"  *  These  wrongs  are  of  a  character  which  cannot  be  tolerated  by 
any  government  indued  with  a  just  self-respect,  with  a  proper  regard 
for  the  opinions  of  other  nations,  or  with  an  enlightened  concern  for 
the  permanent  welfare  of  those  portions  of  its  people  who  may  be 
interested  in  foreign,  commerce.  Treasure  belonging  to  citizens  of 
the  United  States  has  been  seized  by  Mexican  officers,  in  its  transit 
from  the  capital  to  the  coast.  Vessels  of  the  United  States  have 
been  captured,  detained,  and  condemned,  upon  the  most  frivolous 
pretexts.  Duties  have  been  exacted  from  others,  notoriously  against 
law,  or  without  law.  Others  have  been  employed,  and  in  some 
instances  ruined,  in  the  Mexican  service,  without  compensation  to 
the  owners.  Citizens  of  the  United  States  have  been  imprisoned  for 
long  periods  of  time,  without  being  informed  of  the  offences  with  which 
they  were  charged.  OTHERS  HAVE  BEEN  MURDERED  AND  ROBBED 
BY  MEXICAN  OFFICERS,  ON  THE  HIGH  SEAS,  WITHOUT  ANY 
ATTEMPT  TO  BRING  THE  GUILTY  TO  JUSTICE.' 

"  Yet,  in  consequence  of  the  forbearance  of  our  government,  the 
Mexican  authorities  and  people  continued  their  outrages  upon  us,, 
down  even  to  the  very   last  year,  1845,  and  extending  through  a 
period  of  nearly  twenty  years." 
19 


218  APPENDIX. 

G. 

TREATY  BETWEEN  TEXAS  AND  SANTA  ANNA. 

"  Articles  of  Agreement  and  solemn  Compact,  made  and  adoptedby  David  G. 
Burnett  President  of  the  Republic  of  Texas,  and  the  undersigned  Mem 
bers  of  the  Cabinet  thereof,  on  the  one  part,  and  Don  Antonio  Lopez 
dc  Santa  Anna,  President  of  the  Republic  of  Mexico,  and  Don  Vincente 
Filisola,  General  of  Divisions,  Don  Jose  Urea,  Don  Joachin  Ramires  y 
Sesma,  and  Don  Antonio  Gaona,  Generals  of  Brigades,  of  the  Armies 
of  Mexico. 

"  Whereas,  the  President  Santa  Anna,  with  divers  officers  of  his 
late  army,  is  a  prisoner  of  war  in  charge  of  the  army  of  Texas,  and 
is  desirous  of  terminating  the  contest  now  existing  between  the 
government  of  Texas,  and  that  of  Mexico ;  in  which  desire,  the 
generals  above  named  do  fully  concur;  and 

"  Whereas,  the  president  of  the  Republic  of  Texas,  and  the  cab 
inet,  are  also  willing  to  stay  the  further  effusion  of  blood,  and  to  see 
the  two  neighboring  Republics  placed  in  relations  of  friendship  on 
terms  of  reciprocal  advantage ; 

"  Therefore,  it  is  agreed  by  the  President  Santa  Anna,  and  the 
Generals  Don  Vincente  Filisola,  Don  Jose  Urea,  Don  Joachin  Ra 
mires  y  Sesma,  and  Don  Antonio  Gaona, 

"  1st.  That  the  armies  of  Mexico  shall,  with  all  practicable  expe 
dition,  evacuate  the  territory  of  Texas,  and  retire  to  Monterey, 
beyond  the  Rio  Grande. 

"  2d.  That  the  armies,  in  their  retreat,  shall  abstain  from  all  pil 
lage  and  devastation,  and  shall  not  molest  any  of  the  citizens  of 
Texas,  and  shall  not  carry  with  them  any  cattle,  or  other  stock, 
more  than  may  be  absolutely  necessary  for  their  subsistence,  for 
which  a  just  price  shall  be  paid.  That  all  private  property  that  may 
have  been  captured  by  either  detachment  of  the  army,  shall  be  de 
posited  at  the  first  convenient  point  of  their  march,  and  left  under  a 
sufficient  guard,  until  the  proper  authorities  of  Texas  shall  have 
possession  thereof. 

"  3d.  That  the  army  of  Texas  are  to  march  westwardly,  and  to 
occupy  such  posts  as  the  commanding  general  may  think  proper,  on 
the  east  side  of  the  Rio  Grande,  or  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte. 

"4th.  That  the  President  Santa  Anna,  in  his  official  character 
as  chief  of  the  Mexican  nation,  and  the  Generals  Don  Vincente 


APPENDIX.  219 

Filisola,  Don  Jose  Urea,  Don  Joachin  Ramires  y  Sesma,  and  Don 
Antonio  Gaona,  as  chiefs  of  armies,  do  solemnly  acknowledge, 
sanction,  and  ratify,  the  full,  entire,  and  perfect  independence  of  the 
Republic  of  Texas,  with  such  boundaries  as  are  hereafter  set  forth 
and  agreed  upon  for  the  same.  And  they  do  solemnly  and  respect 
fully  pledge  themselves,  with  all  their  personal  and  official  attri 
butes,  to  procure  without  delay,  the  final  and  complete  ratification 
and  confirmation  of  this  agreement,  and  all  the  parts  thereof,  by  the 
proper  and  legitimate  government  of  Mexico,  by  the  incorporation 
of  the  same  into  a  solemn  and  perpetual  treaty  of  amity  and  com 
merce,  to  be  negotiated  with  that  government,  at  the  city  of  Mex 
ico,  by  ministers  plenipotentiary,  to.  be  deputed  by  the  government 
of  Texas  for  this  high  purpose. 

"5th.  That  the  following  be,  and  the  same  are  hereby  estab 
lished  and  made  the  lines  of  demarkation  between  the  two  Repub 
lics  of  Mexico  and  Texas,  to  wit:  The  line  shall  commence  at  the 
estuary  or  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande,  on  the  western  bank  thereof, 
and  shall  pursue  the  same  bank  up  the  said  river,  to  the  point  where 
the  river  assumes  the  name  of  the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte,  from  which 
point  it  shall  proceed  on  the  said  western  bank  to  the  head  waters, 
or  source  of  said  river,  it  being  understood  that  the  terms  Rio 
Grande  and  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte,  apply  to  and  designate  one  and 
the  same  stream.  From  the  source  of  said  river,  the  principal  head 
branch  being  taken  to  ascertain  that  source,  a  due  north  line  shall 
be  run  until  it  shall  intersect  the  boundary  line  established  and 
described  in  the  treaty  negotiated  by  and  between  the  government 
of  Spain  and  the  government  of  the  United  States  of  the  north ; 
which  line  was  subsequently  transferred  to  and  adopted  in  the  treaty 
of  limits  made  between  the  government  of  Mexico  and  that  of  the 
United  States  ;  and,  from  this  point  of  intersection,  the  line  shall  be 
the  same  as  was  made  and  established  in  and  by  the  several  treaties 
above  mentioned,  to  continue  to  the  mouth  or  outlet  of  the  Sabine 
river,  and  from  thence  to  the  gulf  of  Mexico. 

"  6th.  That  all  prisoners  taken  by  the  forces  of  Mexico  be  forth 
with  released,  and  be  furnished  with  free  passports  to  return  to  their 
homes ;  their  clothing  and  small  anus  to  be  restored  to  them. 

"7th.  That  all  the  fortresses  of  Texas  be  forthwith  restored 
without  dilapidation,  and  with  all  the  artillery  and  munitions  of  war 
belonging  to  them  respectively. 

"8th.  The    president  and  cabinet  of  the   Republic    of  Texas, 


220  APPENDIX. 

exercising  the  high  powers  confided  to  them  by  the  people  of  Texas, 
do,  for  and  in  consideration  of  the  foregoing  stipulation,  solemnly 
engage  to  refrain  from  taking  the  life  of  the  President  Santa  Anna, 
and  of  the  several  officers  of  his  late  army,  whom  the  events  of  war 
have  made  prisoners  in  their  hands,  and  to  liberate  the  President 
Santa  Anna,  with  his  private  secretary,  and  cause  him  to  be  con 
veyed  in  one  of  the  national  vessels  of  Texas  to  Vera  Cruz,  in 
order  that  he  may  more  promptly  and  effectually  obtain  the  ratifi 
cation  of  this  compact,  and  the  negotiations  of  the  definitive  treaty 
herein  contemplated  by  the  government  of  Mexico  with  the  gov 
ernment  of  Texas. 

"  9th.  The  release  of  the  President  Santa  Anna,  shall  be  made 
immediately  on  receiving  the  signatures  of  the  Generals  Don  Vin- 
cente  Filisola,  Don  Jose  Urea,  Don  Joachin  Ramires  y  Sesma,  and 
Don  Antonio  Gaona,  to  this  agreement,  and  his  conveyance  to  Vera 
Cruz  as  soon  afterwards  as  may  be  convenient 

"  10th.  The  President  Santa  Anna,  and  the  Generals  Don  Vin- 
cente  Filisola,  Don  Jose  Urea,  Don  Joachin  Ramires  y  Sesma,  and 
Don  Antonio  Gaona,  do,  by  this  act  of  subscribing  this  instrument, 
severally  and  solemnly  pledge  themselves  on  their  inviolable  parole 
of  honor,  that  in  the  event  the  Mexican  government  shall  refuse  or 
omit  to  execute,  ratify,  confirm,  and  perfect  this  agreement,  they 
will  not,  on  any  occasion  whatever,  take  up  arms  against  the  people 
of  Texas,  or  any  portion  of  them,  but  will  consider  themselves 
bound,  by  every  sacred  obligation,  to  abstain  from  all  hostility  to 
wards  Texas  or  its  citizens. 

"llth.  That  the  other  Mexican  officers,  prisoners  with  the  gov 
ernment  of  Texas,  shall  remain  in  custody,  as  hostages,  for  the 
faithful  performance  of  this  agreement,  and  shall  be  treated  with 
humanity,  and  the  respect  due  their  rank  and  condition,  until  the 
final  disposition  of  the  Mexican  government  be  ascertained,  and  a 
treaty,  to  be  predicated  upon  the  above  stipulations,  shall  be  made 
or  rejected  by  that  government.  In  the  event  of  a  refusal  to  enter 
into  and  ratify  such  a  treaty,  on  the  part  of  the  Mexican  govern 
ment,  the  government  of  Texas  reserves  to  itself  the  right  to  dis 
pose  of  them  as  they  may  think  proper  and  equitable,  relative  to 
the  conduct  of  the  Mexican  forces  towards  the  volunteers  and  sol 
diers  of  Texas,  who  have  heretofore  fallen  into  their  hands. 

"  12th.  The  high  contracting  parties  mutually  agree  to  refer  the 
treaty  intended  to  be  executed  and  solemnized  by  the  two  govern- 


APPENDIX.  221 

merits  of  Texas  and  of  Mexico,  on  the  basis  established  in  this 
compact,  to  the  government  of  the  United  States  of  the  north,  and 
to  solicit  the  guaranty  of  that  government  for  the  fulfilment,  by 
the  contracting  parties  respectively,  of  their  several  engagements ; 
the  said  parties  pledging  themselves,  in  case  of  any  disagreement  or 
defalcation,  to  submit  all  matters  in  controversy  to  the  final  decision 
and  adjustment  of  that  government.  For  this  purpose  the  con 
tracting  parties  shall,  as  soon  as  practicable  after  the  ratification  of 
said  treaty,  depute  one  or  more  commissioners  to  the  court  of 
Washington,  invested  with  plenary  powers  to  perfect  the  object  of 
this  stipulation. 

"  13th.  Any  act  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  retreating  Mexi 
can  troops,  or  any  depredation  upon  public  or  private  property  com 
mitted  by  those  troops,  or  any  impediment  presented  to  the  occupa 
tion  of  any  part  of  the  territory  of  Texas,  by  the  forces  thereof,  on 
the  part  of  the  Mexican  troops,  shall  be  considered  a  violation  of 
this  agreement." 


H. 

TEXAS  ONCE  A  PART  OF  THE  UNION. 

In  his  letter  of  1844,  Mr.  Walker  says  :  — 

"  Texas,  as  Mr.  Jefferson  declared,  was  as  clearly  embraced  in 
the  purchase  by  us  of  Louisiana,  as  New  Orleans  itself;  and  that  it 
was  a  part  of  that  region,  is  demonstrated  by  the  discovery,  by  the 
great  Lasalle,  of  the  source  and  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  and  his 
occupancy  for  France  west  of  the  Colorado.  Our  right  to  Texas  as 
a  part  of  Louisiana,  was  asserted  and  demonstrated  by  Presidents 
Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe,  and  John  Quincy  Adams.  No  one  of 
our  presidents  has  ever  doubted  our  title  ;  and  Mr.  Clay  has  ever 
maintained  it  as  clear  and  unquestionable.  Louisiana  was  acquired 
by  a  treaty  with  France,  in  1803,  by  Mr.  Jefferson  ;  and  in  the  let 
ter  of  Mr.  Madison,  the  secretary  of  state,  dated  March  31,  1804, 
he  says,  expressing  his  own  views  arid  those  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  that 
Louisiana  '  extended  westwardly  to  the  Rio  Bravo,  otherwise  called 
Rio  del  Norte.  Orders  were  accordingly  obtained  from  the  Spanish 
authority  for  the  delivery  of  all  the  posts  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Mississippi.'  And  in  his  letter  of  the  31st  January,  1804,  Mr.  Mad- 
19* 


222  APPENDIX. 

ison  declares  that  Mr.  Laussat,  the  French  commissioner  who  deliv 
ered  the  possession  of  Louisiana  to  us,  announced  the  'Del  Norte  as 
its  true  boundary.'  Here,  then,  in  the  delivery  of  the  possession  of 
Louisiana  by  Spain  to  France,  and  France  to  us,  Texas  is  included. 
In  the  letter  of  Mr.  Madison  of  the  8th  July,  1804,  he  declares  the 
opposition  of  Mr.  Jefferson  to  the  '  relinquishment  of  any  territory 
whatever,  eastward  of  the  Rio  Bravo.'  In  the  letter  of  James  Mon 
roe,  of  the  8th  November,  1803,  he  encloses  documents,  which  he 
says, '  prove  incontestablyj  that  the  boundary  of  Louisiana  is  '  the  Rio 
Bravo  to  the  west,'  and  Mr.  Pinckney  unites  with  him  in  a  similar 
declaration.  In  a  subsequent  letter —  not  to  a  foreign  government, 
but  to  Mr.  Madison  —  of  the  20th  April,  1805,  they  assert  our  title 
as  unquestionable.  In  Mr.  Monroe's  letters,  as  secretary  of  state, 
dated  January  19, 1816,  and  June  10,  1816,  he  says  none  could  ques 
tion  our  'title  to  Texas;'  and  he  expresses  his  concurrence  in 
opinion  with  Jefferson  and  Madison,  'that  our  title  to  the  Del 
Norte  was  as  clear  as  to  the  island  of  New  Orleans.'  In  his  letter, 
as  secretary  of  state,  to  Don  Onis,  of  the  12th  March,  1818,  John 
Quincy  Adams  says,  '  the  claim  of  France  always  did  extend  Avest- 
ward  to  the  Rio  Bravo  ; '  '  she  always  claimed  the  territory  which 
you  call  Texas,  as  being  within  the  limits,  and  forming  a  part,  of 
Louisiana.'  After  demonstrating  our  title  to  Texas  in  this  -letter, 
Mr.  Adams  says,  '  Well  might  Messrs.  Pinckney  and  Monroe  write 
to  M.  Cevallos,  in  1805,  that  the  claim  of  the  United  States  to  the 
boundary  of  the  Rio  Bravo,  was  as  clear  as  their  right  to  the  island 
of  New  Orleans.'  Again,  in  his  letter  of  the  31st  October,  1818, 
Mr.  Adams  says  our  title  to  Texas  is  '  established  beyond  the  power 
of  further  controversy.' 

"  Here,  then,  by  the  discovery  and  occupation  of  Texas,  as  a  part 
of  Louisiana,  by  Lasalle,  for  France,  in  1685 ;  by  the  delivery  of 
possession  to  us,  in  1803,  by  Spain  and  France  ;  by  the  action  of  our 
government  from  the  date  of  the  treaty  of  acquisition  to  the  date  of 
the  treaty  of  surrender,  (avowedly  so,  on  its  face  ;)  by  the  opinion 
of  all  our  presidents  and  ministers  connected  in  any  way  with  the 
acquisition,  our  title  to  Texas  was  undoubted.  It  was  surrendered 
to  Spain  by  the  treaty  of  1819 ;  but  Mr.  Clay  maintained,  in  his 
speech  of  the  3d  April,  1820,  that  territory  could  not  be  alienated 
merely  by  a  treaty ;  and  consequently,  that,  notwithstanding  the 
treaty,  Texas  was  still  our  own.  In  the  cession  of  a  portion  of  Maine, 
it  was  asserted,  in  legislative  resolutions  by  Massachiftfts  and 


AJffENDlX.  223 

Maine,  and  conceded  by  this  government,  that  no  portion  of  Maine 
could  be  ceded  by  treaty  without  the  consent  of  Maine.  Did  Texas 
assent  to  this  treaty,  or  can  we  cede  part  of  a  Territory,  but  not  of  a 
State  ?  These  are  grave  questions ;  they  raise  the  point  whether 
Texas  is  not  now  a  part  of  our  territory,  and  whether  her  people 
may  not  now  rightfully  claim  the  protection  of  our  government  and 
laws.  Recollect  this  was  not  a  question  of  settlement  under  the 
powers  of  this  government  of  a  disputed  boundary.  The  treaty 
declares,  as  respects  Texas,  that  we  '  cede  to  his  Catholic  majesty? 
Commenting  on  this,  in  his  speech  before  referred  to,  Mr.  Clay  says 
it  was  not  a  question  of  the  power  in  case  of  dispute  '  of  fixing  a 
boundary  previously  existing.'  '  It  was,  on  the  contrary,  the  case  of  an 
avowed  cession  of  territory  from  the  United  States  to  Spain.' 
Although,  then,  the  government  may  be  competent  to  fix  a  disputed 
boundary,  by  ascertaining  as  near  as  practicable  where  it  is  ;  although 
also,  a  State,  with  the  consent  of  this  government,  as  in  the  case  of 
Maine,  may  cede  a  portion  of  her  territory ;  yet,  it  by  no  means  fol 
lows  that  this  government,  by  treaty,  could  cede  a  Territory  of  the 
Union.  Could  we  by  treaty  cede  Florida  to  Spain,  especially  with 
out  consulting  the  people  of  Florida  ?  and  if  not,  the  treaty  by  which 
Texas  was  surrendered,  was,  as  Mr.  Clay  contended,  inoperative. 

"  By  the  treaty  of  1803,  by  which,  we  have  seen,  Texas  was 
acquired  by  us  from  France,  we  pledged  our  faith  to  France,  and  to 
the  people  of  Texas,  never  to  surrender  that-  territory.  The  third 
article  of  that  treaty  declares,  '  the  inhabitants  of  the  ceded  territo 
ry  shall  be  incorporated  in  the  Union  of  the  United.  States,  and  admit 
ted  as  soon  as  possible,  according  to  the  principles  of  the  federal 
constitution,  to  the  enjoyment  of  all  the  rights,  advantages,  and 
immunities,  of  citizens  of  the  United  States ;  and  in  the  mean  time 
they  shall  be  protected  in  the  free  enjoyment  of  their  liberty,  prop 
erty,  and  the  religion  which  they  profess.'  Such  was  our  pledge  to 
France  and  to  the  people  of  Texas  by  the  treaty  of  purchase ;  and  if 
our  subsequent  treaty  of  cession  to  Spain  was  not  unconstitutional 
and  invalid,  it  was  a  gross  infraction  of  a  previous  treaty,  and  of  one 
of  the  fundamental  conditions  under  which  Texas  was  acquired. 

"  Here,  then,  are  many  grave  questions  of  constitutional  power. 
Could  the  solemn  guaranty  to  France,  and  to  the  people  of  Texas, 
be  rescinded  by  a  treaty  with  Spain  ?  Can  this  government,  by  its 
own  mere  power,  surrender  any  portion  of  its  territory  ?  Can  it  cut 
off  a  territory  without  the  consent  of  its  people,  and  surrender  them 


224  AITE.NDIX. 

and  the  territory  to  a  foreign  power  ?  Can  it  expatriate  and  expel 
from  the  Union  its  own  citizens,  who  occupy  that  territory,  and 
change  an  American  citizen  into  a  citizen  of  Spain  or  Mexico  ? 
These  are  momentous  questions,  which  it  is  not  necessary  now  to 
determine,  and  in  regard  to  which  I  advance  at  this  time,  no  opinion. 
Certain,  however,  it  is,  that  with  the  jconsent  of  the  people  of  Texas, 
Congress  can  carry  out  the  solemn  pledges  of  the  treaty  of  1803, 
and  admit  one  or  more  States  from  Texas  into  the  Union. 

"  EFFORTS  OF  ADAMS  AND  CLAY,  AND  OF  JACKSON  AND  VAN 

BUREN,  TO  REANNEX  TEXAS  TO  THE  UNION,  IN  1825,  1827, 
1829,  1833,  AND  1835. 

"  The  question  as  to  Texas,  is,  in  any  aspect,  a  question  of  the 
reestablishment  of  our  ancient  boundaries,  and  the  repossession 
of  a  territory  most  reluctantly  surrendered.  The  surrender  of  terri 
tory,  even  if  constitutional,  is  almost  universally  inexpedient  and 
unwise,  and,  in  any  event,  when  circumstances  may  seem  to  demand 
such  a  surrender,  the  territory  thus  abandoned,  should  always  be 
reacquired,  whenever  it  may  be"  done  with  justice  and  propriety. 
Independent  of  these  views,  we  have  the  recorded  opinion  of  John 
Quincy  Adams  as  president,  and  Henry  Clay  as  secretary  of  state, 
and  also  of  Gen.  Andrew  Jackson  as  president,  and  Martin  Van 
Buren  as  secretary  of  state,  that  Texas  ought  to  be  reannexed  to 
the  Union.  On  the  26th  of  March,  1825,  Mr.  Clay,  in  conformity 
with  his  own  view^,  and  the  express  directions  of  Mr.  Adams,  as  pres 
ident,  directed  a  letter  to  Mr.  Poinsett,  our  minister  at  Mexico, 
instructing  him  to  endeavor  to  procure  from  Mexico  a  transfer  to  us 
of  Texas  to  the  Del  Norte.  In  this  letter,  Mr.  Clay  says,  'the 
president  wishes  you  to  effect  that  object'  Mr.  Clay  adds,  '  the 
line  of  the  Sabine  approaches  our  great  western  mart  nearer  than 
could  be  wished.  Perhaps  the  Mexican  government  may  not  be 
unwilling  to  establish  that  of  the  Rio  Brassos  de  Dios,  or  the  Rio 
Colorado,  or  the  Snow  mountains,  or  the  Rio  del  Norte,  in  lieu  of  it.' 
Mr.  Clay  urges,  also,  the  importance  of  having  entirely  within  our 
limits,  '  the  Red  river  and  Arkansas,  and  their  respective  tributary 
streams.* 

"  On  the  15th  of  March,  1827,  Mr.  Clay  again  renewed  the  effort 
to  procure  the  cession  of  Texas.  In  his  letter  of  instruction  of 
that  date,  to  our  minister  at  Mexico,  he  says,  '  the  president  has 


APPENDIX.  225 

thought  the  present  might  be  an  auspicious  period  for  urging  a  nego 
tiation  at  Mexico,  to  settle  the  boundary  of  the  two  Republics.' 
'If  we  could  obtain  such  a  boundary  as  we  desire,  the  government 
of  the  United  States  might  be  disposed  to  pay  a  reasonable  pecuni 
ary  compensation.  The  boundary  we  prefer  is  that,  which  begin 
ning  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  del  Norte  in  the  sea,  shall  ascend  that 
river  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Puerco,  thence  ascending  this  river  to 
its  source,  and  from  its  source  by  a  line  due  north  to  strike  the 
Arkansas,  thence,  following  the  southern  bank  of  the  Arkansas  to 
its  source,  in  latitude  42°  north  ;  and  thence  by  that  parallel  of  lati 
tude  to  the  South  sea.'  And  he  adds,  the  treaty  may  provide  *  for 
the  incorporation  of  the  inhabitants  into  the  Union.' 

"  Mr.  Van  Buren,  in  his  letter,  as  secretary  of  state,  to  our  min 
ister  at  Mexico,  dated  August  25,  1829,  says,  '  It  is  the  wish  of  the 
president  that  you  should,  without  delay,  open  a  negotiation  with 
the  Mexican  government,  for  the  purchase  of  so  much  of  the  prov 
ince  of  Texas,  as  is  hereinafter  described.'  *  He  is  induced  by  a 
deep  conviction  of  the  real  necessity  of  the  proposed  acquisition,  not 
only  as  a  guard  for  our  western  frontier,  and  the  protection  of  New 
Orleans,  but  also  to  secure  forever  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley 
of  the  Mississippi,  the  undisputed  and  undisturbed  possession  of  the 
navigation  of  that  river.'  '  The  territory,  of  which  a  cession  is 
desired  by  the  United  States,  is  all  that  part  of  the  province  of 
Texas  which  lies  east  of  a  line  beginning  at  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  in 
the  centre  of  the  desert,  or  grand  prairie,  which  lies  west  of  the  Rio 
Nueces.'  And  Mr.  Van  Burcn  adds,  the  treaty  may  provide  '  for 
the  incorporation  of  the  inhabitants  into  the  Union.'  And  he  then 
enters  into  a  long  and  powerful  argument  of  his  own,  in  favor  of  the 
reacquisition  of  Texas. 

"  On  the  20th  of  March,  1833,  Gen.  Jackson,  through  Mr.  Liv 
ingston,  as  secretary  of  state,  renew.-;  to  our  minister  at  Mexico,  the 
former  « instructions  on  the  subject  of  the  proposed  cession.'  On 
the  2d  of  July,  1835,  General  Jackson,  through  Mr.  Forsyth,  as  sec 
retary  of  state,  renews  the  instructions  to  obtain  the  cession  of  Texas, 
and  expresses  '  an  anxious  desire  to  secure  the  very  desirable  alter 
ation  in  our  boundary  with  Mexico.'  On  the  6th  of  August,  1835, 
General  Jackson,  through  Mr.  Forsyth,  as  secretary  of  state,  directs 
our  minister  at  Mexico  to  endeavor  to  procure  for  us,  from  that  gov 
ernment,  the  following  boundary,  « beginning  at  the  Gulf  of  Mex 
ico,  proceeding  along  the  eastern  bank  of  the  river  Rio  Bravo  del 


226  APPENDIX. 

Norte,  to  the  37th  parallel  of  latitude,  and  thence  along  that  parallel 
to  the  Pacific.'  This  noble  and  glorious  proposition  of  General 
Jackson  would  have  secured  to  us  not  only  the  whole  of  Texas,  but 
also  the  largest  and  most  valuable  portion  of  upper  California,  to 
gether  with  the  bay  and  harbor  of  San  Francisco,  the  best  on  the 
western  coast  of  America,  and  equal  to  any  in  the  world.  If,  then, 
it  was  deemed,  as  it  is  clearly  proved,  most  desirable  to  obtain  the 
reannexation  of  Texas,  down  to  a  period  as  late  as  August,  1835, 
is  it  less  important  at  this  period?" 


I. 

TWENTY-EIGHTH  CONGRESS,   SECOND   SESSION, 

Begun  and  held  at  the  City  of  Washington,  in  the  District  of  Colum 
bia,  on  Monday,  the  second  day  of  December,  eighteen  hundred  and 
forty-four. 

JOINT   RESOLUTION   FOB,   ANNEXING   TEXAS   TO   THE    UNITED    STATES. 

"  Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  Congress  doth  con 
sent  that  the  territory  properly  included  within,  and  rightfully  be 
longing  to,  the  republic  of  Texas,  may  be  erected  into  a  new  State, 
to  be  called  the  State  of  Texas,  with  a  republican  form  of  govern 
ment,  to  be  adopted  by  the  people  of  said  republic,  by  deputies  in 
convention  assembled,,with  the  consent  of  the  existing  government, 
in  order  that  the  same  may  be  admitted  as  one  of  the  States  of  this 
Union. 

"  2.  Jlnd  be  it  further  resolved,  That  the  foregoing  consent  of 
Congress  is  given  upon  the  following  conditions,  and  with  the  fol 
lowing  guaranties,  to  wit :  First.  Said  State  to  be  formed,  subject 
to  the  adjustment  by  this  government  of  all  questions  of  boundary 
that  may  arise  with  other  governments ;  and  the  constitution  there 
of,  with  the  proper  evidence  of  its  adoption  by  the  people  of  said 
republic  of  Texas,  shall  be  transmitted  to  the  president  of  the 
United  States,  to  be  laid  before  Congress  for  its  final  action  on  or 
before  the  first  day  of  January,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
forty-six.  Second.  Said  State,  when  admitted  into  the  Union,  after 


APPENDIX.  227 

ceding  to  the  United  States  all  public  edifices,  fortifications,  bar 
racks,  ports  and  harbors,  navy  and  navy-yards,  docks,  magazines, 
arms,  armaments,  and  all  other  property  and  means  pertaining  to 
the  public  defence  belonging  to  said  republic  of  Texas,  shall  re 
tain  all  the  public  funds,  debts,  taxes,  and  dues  of  every  kind, 
which  may  belong  to  or  be  due  and  owing  said  republic ;  and  shall 
also  retain  all  the  vacant  and  unappropriated  lands  lying  within  its 
limits,  to  be  applied  to  the  payment  of  the  debts  and  liabilities  of 
said  republic  of  Texas,  and  the  residue  of  said  lands,  after  dis 
charging  said  debts  and  liabilities,  to  be  disposed  of  as  said  State 
may  direct ;  but  in  no  event  are  said  debts  and  liabilities  to  become 
a  charge  upon  the  government  of  the  United  States.  Third.  New 
States,  of  convenient  size,  not  exceeding  four  in  number,  in  addi 
tion  to  said  State  of  Texas,  and  having  sufficient  population,  may 
hereafter,  by  the  consent  of  said  State,  be  formed  out  of  the  terri 
tory  thereof,  which  shall  be  entitled  to  admission  under  the  provis 
ions  of  the  federal  constitution.  And  such  States  as  may  be  formed 
out  of  that  portion  of  said  territory  lying  south  of  thirty-six  degrees 
thirty  minutes  north  latitude,  commonly  known  as  the  Missouri 
compromise  line,  shall  be  admitted  into  the  Union,  with  or  without 
slavery,  as  the  people  of  each  State  asking  admission  may  desire. 
And  in  such  State  or  States  as  shall  be  formed  out  of  said  territory, 
north  of  said  Missouri  compromise  line,  slavery  or  involuntary  ser 
vitude,  (except  for  crime,)  shall  be  prohibited. 

"  3.  And  be  it  further  resolved,  That  if  the  president  of  the 
United  States  shall,  in  his  judgment  and  discretion,  deem  it  most 
advisable,  instead  of  proceeding  to  submit  the  foregoing  resolution 
to  the  republic  of  Texas,  as  an  overture  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States  for  admission,  to  negotiate  with  that  republic  —  then,  Be  it 
resolved,  That  a  State,  to  be  formed  out  of  the  present  republic  of 
Texas,  with  suitable  extent  and  boundaries,  and  with  two  repre 
sentatives  in  Congress,  until  the  next  apportionment  of  representa 
tion,  shall  be  admitted  into  the  Union,  by  virtue  of  this  act,  on  an 
equal  footing  with  the  existing  States,  as  soon  as  the  terms  and 
conditions  of  such  admission,  and  the  cession  of  the  remaining 
Texan  territory  to  the  United  States,  shall  be  agreed  upon  by  the 
governments  of  Texas  and  the  United  States ;  and  that  the  sum  of 
one  hundred  thousand  dollars  be,  and  the  same  is  hereby,  appropri 
ated  to  defray  the  expenses  of  missions  and  negotiations,  to  agree 
upon  the  terms  of  said  admission  and  cession,  either  by  treaty  to  be 


228  -APPENDIX. 

submitted  to  the  senate,  or  by  articles  to  be  submitted  to  the  two 
houses  of  Congress,  as  the  president  may  direct 

"J.  W.  JONES, 
"  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

"WILLIE  P.  MANGLTM, 
"  President  pro  tempore  of  the  Senate. 
"  Approved,  March  1,  1845.  JOHN  TYLER." 

JOINT  RESOLUTION, 

Giving  the  Consent  of  the  existing  Government  to  the  Annexation  of 
Texas  to  the  United  States. 

"  Whereas,  the  government  of  the  United  States  hath  proposed 
the  following  terms,  guaranties,  and  conditions  on  which  the  people 
and  territory  of  the  republic  of  Texas  may  be  erected  into  a  new 
State,  to  be  called  the  State  of  Texas,  and  admitted  as  one  of  the 
States  of  the  American  Union,  to  wit : 

[Here  follow  the  two  first  sections  of  the  joint  resolution  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States.] 

"  And  whereas,  by  said  terms,  the  consent  of  the  existing  gov 
ernment  of  Texas  is  required ;  therefore, 

"  Be  it  resolved  ly  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
Republic  of  Texas  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  government  of 
Texas  doth  consent  that  the  people  and  territory  of  the  republic  of 
Texas  may  be  erected  into  a  new  State,  to  be  called  the  State  of 
Texas,  with  a  republican  form  of  government,  to  be  adopted  by  the 
people  of  said  republic  by  deputies  in  convention  assembled,  in 
order  that  the  same  may  be  admitted  as  one  of  the  States  of  the 
American  Union ;  and  said  consent  is  given  on  the  terms,  guaran 
ties,  and  conditions  set  forth  in  the  preamble  to  this  joint  resolution. 

"  SECT.  2.  Be  it  further  resolved,.  That  the  proclamation  of  the 
president  of  the  republic  of  Texas,  bearing  date  May  fifth,  eighteen 
hundred  and  forty-five,  and  the  election  of  deputies  to  sit  in  con 
vention  at  Austin  on  the  fourth  day  of  July  next,  for  the  adoption 
of  a  constitution  for  the  State  of  Texas,  had  in  accordance  there 
with,  hereby  receives  the  consent  of  the  existing  government  of 
Texas. 

"  SECT.  3.  Be  it  further  resolved,  That  the  president  of  Texas 
is  hereby  requested  immediately  to  furnish  the  government  -of  the 
United  States,  through  their  accredited  minister  near  this  govern- 


APPENDIX.  229 

mcnt,  with  a  copy  of  this  joint  resolution ;  also  to  furnish  the  con 
vention  to  assemble  at  Austin  on  the  4th  of  July  next  a  copy  of  the 
same ;  and  the  same  shall  take  effect  from  and  after  its  passage. 

"JOHN  M.  LEWIS, 

"  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

"K.  L.  ANDERSON, 

"President  of  the  Senate. 
"Approved,  June  23,  1845. 

"ANSON  JONES." 

"DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  June  23,  1845. 

"  The  undersigned,  secretary  of  state  of  the  republic  of  Texas, 
hereby  certifies  that  the  foregoing  is  a  copy  of  the  original  joint 
resolutions  on  file  in  the  archives  of  this  office. 

In  testimony  whereof,  the  official  seal  of  the  department 
"  LL'  s'l         is  hereunto  affixed. 

"EBEN'R  ALLEN." 

AN  ORDINANCE. 

"  Whereas,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  of  America  has 
passed  resolutions  providing  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  that 
Union,  Avhich  resolutions  were  approved  by  the  president  of  the 
United  States  on  the  first  day  of  March,  one  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  forty-five  ;  and  whereas  the  president  of  the  United  States  has 
submitted  to  Texas  the  first  and  second  sections  of  the  said  resolu 
tion,  as  the  basis  upon  which  Texas  may  be  admitted  as  one  of  the 
States  of  the  said  Union ;  and  whereas  the  existing  government  of 
the  republic  of  Texas  has  assented  to  the  proposals  thus  made,  the 
terms  and  conditions  of  which  are  as  follows :  — 

[The  two  first  sections  of  the  joint  resolution  of  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States  are  here  quoted.] 

"  Now,  in  order  to  manifest  the  assent  of  the  people  of  this 
republic,  as  required  in  the  above  recited  portions  of  the  said  reso 
lutions,  we,  the  deputies  of  the  people  of  Texas,  in  convention 
assembled,  in  their  name ,  and  by  their  authority,  do  ordain  and 
declare,  that  we  assent  to  and  accept  the  proposals,  conditions,  and 
guaranties  contained  in  the  first  and  second  sections  of  the  resolu 
tion  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  aforesaid. 

"THOMAS   J.   RUSK,  President. 

"Phil.  M.  Curry,  H.  G.  Runnels,  Robert  M.  Forbes,  Sam.  Lusk, 
Jno.  Caldwell,  Jose  Antonio  Navarra,  Geo.  M.  Brown,  Gustavus  A, 
20 


230  APPENDIX. 

Everts,  Lemuel  Dale  Evans,  J.  B.  Miller,  R.  E.  B.  Baylor,  J.  S. 
Mayfield,  R.  Bache,  James  Love,  Wm.  L.  Hunter,  John  D.  Ander 
son,  Isaac  Parker,  P.  O.  Lumpkin,  Francis  Moore,  Jr.,  Isaac  W. 
Brashear,  Alexander  McGowan,  Isaac  Van  Zandt,  S.  Holland, 
Edward  Clark,  Geo.  W.  Smyth,  James  Armstrong1,  Francis  W. 
White,  James  Davis,  George  T.  Wood,  G.  W.  Wright,  H.  R. 
Latimer,  John  M.  Lewis,  James  Scott,  Archibald  McNeill,  A.  C. 
Horton,  Israel  Standifer,  Jos.  L.  Hogg,  Chas.  S.  Taylor,  David 
Gage,  Henry  S.  Jewett,  Cavitt  Armstrong,  James  Bower,  Albert  H. 
Latimer,  Wm.  C.  Young,  J.  Pinckney  Henderson,  Nicholas  H. 
Darnell,  Emery  Rains,  A.  W.  O.  Hicks,  James  M.  Burroughs, 
H.  L.  Kinney,  William  L.  Cazenan,  A.  S.  Cunningham,  Abner  S. 
Lipscomb,  John  Hemphill,  Van.  R.  Irion. 
"  Adopted,  July  4,  1845. 

"Attest:  "JAMES  H.   RAYMOND, 

"  Secretary  of  the  Convention." 

"  CITY  OF  AUSTIN,  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS,      ^ 
"  July  5,  1845.  5 

"I  certify  the  foregoing  is  a  correct  copy  of  the  ordinance  as 
adopted  and  signed  by  the  members  of  the  convention  on  yesterday, 
July  4, 1845. 

«  JAMES  H.  RAYMOND, 

"  Secretary  of  the  Convention" 

Mr.  Donelson  to  Mr.  Buchanan. 
[No.  34.]  "LEGATION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

"  AUSTIN,  July  7,  1845. 
"  SIR  :  Since  my  note  of  yesterday,  the  enclosed  resolution  of  the 
convention  has  been  handed  to  me.      It  is  but  a  repetition  of  the 
application  heretofore  made  by  the  existing  government  of  Texas, 
for  the  occupation  of  her  frontier  with  our  troops. 

"  I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"A.   J.   DONELSON. 
"  Hon.  JAMES  BUCHANAN, 

"  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  %c.  <SfC." 

Mr.  Rusk  to  Mr.  Donelson. 

"  CONVENTION  ROOM, 
"  AUSTIN,  Texas,  July  7, 1845. 
"  SIR  :  By  order  of  the  convention,  I  have  the  honor  herewith  to 


APPENDIX.  231 

transmit  to  your  excellency  the   enclosed   copy  of  a  resolution 
adopted  by  the  honorable  convention  this  day. 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  excellency's  most  obedient  servant, 

"TH.  J.  RUSK,  President. 
"His  Excellency  A.  J.  DONELSON, 

"  Charge  d' 'Affaires  of  the  United  States,  3$c.  $c." 

RESOLUTION 

Relative  to  the  Introduction  of  the  United  States  Forces  into  Texas. 

"Beit  resolved  by  the  Deputies  of  the  People  in  Convention  assembled, 
That  the  president  of  the  United  States  of  America  is  hereby 
authorized  and  requested  to  occupy  and  establish  posts,  without 
delay,  upon  the  frontier  and  exposed  positions  of  this  republic  ;  and 
to  introduce  for  such  purpose,  and  defence  of  the  territory  and 
people  of  Texas,  such  forces  as  may  be  necessary  and  advisable  for 
the  same. 

"  Adopted   in  convention,  at  the   city  of  Austin,  Republic  of 

Texas,  July  7, 1845. 

"THO.   J.    RUSK,  President. 
"  Attest : 

"JAS.   H.   RAYMOND, 

"  Secretary  of  the  Convention." 


J. 

CORRESPONDENCE,  &c. 

"EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT, 
WASHINGTON,  June  18,  1845. 
"  To  the  honorable  the  Senate  : 

"  The  executive  herewith  respectfully  transmits  to  your  honor 
able  body,  for  its  constitutional  advice  and  action,  the  '  conditions 
preliminary  to  a  treaty  of  peace  between  Mexico  and  Texas,'  signed 
on  the  part  of  the  former  at  the  city  of  Mexico,  on  the  19th  of  May 
ultimo,  together  with  an  additional  declaration  made  by  the  govern 
ment  of  Mexico  of  the  same  date,  in  connection  with  those  con 
ditions. 

"  The  correspondence  connected  with  the  above  is  also  trans 
mitted  for  the  information  of  the  senate. 


232  APPENDIX. 

"  The  executive  requests  the  senate  to  return  the  original  papers 
so  soon  as  they  shall  have  received  its  examination  and  action. 

"ANSON  JONES." 

[Translation.] 

"  LEGATION  OF  FRANCE  IN  MEXICO,      ) 
MEXICO,-  May  20,  1845.  > 

"  Mr.  PRESIDENT  :  I  am  happy  to  be  able  to  announce  to  your 
excellency  that  the  Mexican  government,  after  having  obtained  the 
authorization  of  the  two  chambers  of  Congress,  has  acceded  to  the 
four  preliminary  articles  which  the  secretary  of  state  of  Texas  had 
remitted  to  the  charges  d'affaires  of  France  and  England  near  your 
government,  and  which  these  last  had  transmitted  to  me  and  to  the 
minister  of  her  Britannic  majesty,  to  be  presented  to  the  executive 
power  of  Mexico. 

"  The  act  of  acceptation,  clothed  with  the  necessary  forms,  will 
be  handed  by  Mr.  Elliott  to  the  secretary  of  state  of  the  Texan 
government,  and  your  excellency  will  thence  find  yourself  in  a 
situation  to  name  commissioners  to  negotiate  with  Mexico  the  defin 
itive  treaty  between  Mexico  and  Texas. 

"  The  success  which  has  crowned  our  efforts  has  only  been 
obtained  by  much  management  of  susceptibilities.  But  I  should 
say  that  the  dispositions  of  the  executive  power  have  never  appeared 
doubtful  to  me,  and  that  they  give  me  the  hope  of  a  solution  proper 
to  satisfy  the  two  parties,  and  to  assure  their  reciprocal  well  being. 

"  If,  in  the  course  which  must  be  given  to  this  affair,  I  can  con 
tribute  to  the  wise  views  and  sound  policy  which  animate  your 
excellency,  I  shall  lend  myself  to  it  with  so  much  the  more  zeal, 
that  it  relates  to  the  accomplishment  of  a  work  useful  to  humanity ; 
and  if  the  result  answers  to  our  hopes,  I  shall  consider  the  part 
which  I  have  taken  in  it  as  one  of  the  deeds  for  which  I  may  most 
applaud  myself  in  my  diplomatic  career. 

"  Receive,  Mr.  President,  the  assurances  of  the  high  consideration 
with  which  I  am  your  excellency's  very  humble  and  most  obedient 
servant, 

"BARON   ALLEYE  DE   CYPREY. 

"  His  Excellency  Mr.  ANSON  JONES, 

"  President  of  the  Republic  of  Texas,  §c. 

"  The  foregoing  is  a  correct  translation  of  the  original. 

"  STEPHEN  Z.  HOYLE,  Translator." 


APPENDIX.  233 

Conditions  preliminary  to  a  Treaty  of  Peace  beticeen  Mexico  and  Texas. 

"  1.  Mexico  consents  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of 
Texas. 

"  2.  Texas  engages  that  she  will  stipulate  in  the  treaty  not  to 
annex  herself  or  become  subject  to  any  country  whatever. 

"  3.  Limits  and  other  conditions  to  be  matter  of  arrangement  in 
the  final  treaty. 

"  4.  Texas  will  be  willing  to  remit  disputed  points  respecting  ter 
ritory  and  other  matters  to  the  arbitration  of  umpires. 

"  Done  at  Washington,  (on  the  Brazos,)  the  29th  March,  1845. 

"ASHBEL   SMITH, 

"  Secretary  of  State"     [L.  s.j 

[Translation.] 

"  MEXICO,  'May  20,  1845. 

"The  undersigned,  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plenipo 
tentiary  of  his  majesty  the  king  of  the  French,  and  minister 
plenipotentiary  of  her  Britannic  majesty,  certify  that  the  above  copy 
conforms  with  the  original  which  has  been  presented  to  them  by  Mr. 
Elliott,  her  Britannic  majesty's  charge  d'affaires  to  Texas. 

'•BARON   ALLEYE  DE   CYPREY.    [L.  s. 
"CHARLES  BANKHEAD.  [L.  s.] 

"  The  above  is  a  correct  translation  of  the  original. 

"S.    Z.    HOYLE,  Translator" 

[Translation.] 

"  The  minister  of  foreign  affairs  and  government  of  the  Mexican 
Republic  has  received  the  preliminary  propositions  of  Texas  for  an 
arrangement  or  definitive  treaty  between  Mexico  and  Texas,  which 
are  of  the  following  tenor :  — 

"  '  Conditions  preliminary  to  a  Treaty  of  Peace  betiveen  Mexico  and  Texas. 

"  '  1st.  Mexico  consents  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of 
Texas. 

"  '  2d.  Texas  engages  that  she  will  stipulate  in  the  treaty  not  to 
annex  herself  or  become  subject  to  any  country  whatever. 

"  '  3d.  Limits  and  other  conditions  to  be  matter  of  arrangement 
in  the  final  treaty. 

20* 


234  APPENDIX. 

" '  4th.  Texas  will  be  willing  to  remit  disputed  points  respecting 
territory,  and  other  matters,  to  the  arbitration  of  umpires. 

"  'Done  at  Washington,  (on  the  Brazos,)  the  29th  of  March,  1845. 
"ASHBEL  SMITH,  j>.  s.] 

"  Secretary  of  State.' 

"  The  government  of  the  republic  has  asked,  in  consequence,  of 
the  national  Congress,  the  authority  which  it  has  granted,  and  which 
is  of  the  following  tenor : — 

"  '  The  government  is  authorized  to  hear  the  propositions  which 
Texas  has  made,  and  to  proceed  to  the  arrangement  or  celebration 
of  the  treaty,  that  may  be  $t  and  honorable  to  the  republic,  giving 
an  account  to  Congress  for  its  examination  and  approval.' 

"  In  consequence  of  the  preceding  authority  of  the  Congress  of 
the  Mexican  republic,  the  undersigned,  minister  of  foreign  affairs 
and  govemment,  declares  :  That  the  supreme  government  receives 
the  four  articles  above  mentioned  as  the  preliminaries  of  a  formal 
and  definitive  treaty ;  and  further,  that  it  is  disposed  to  commence  the 
negotiation  as  Texas  may  desire,  and  to  receive  the  commissioners 
which  she  may  name  for  this  purpose. 

"LUIS   G.   CUEVAS.     [L.  s.] 

"  MEXICO,  May  19,  1845. 

"  The  above  is  a  correct  translation  of  the  original. 

"  STEPHEN  Z.   HOYLE,  Translator." 

[Translation.] 
ADDITIONAL  DECLARATION. 

"  It  is  understood  that  besides  the  four  preliminary  articles  pro 
posed  by  Texas,  there  are  other  essential  and  important  points 
which  ought  also  to  be  included  in  the  negotiation,  and  that  if  this 
negotiation  is  not  realized  on  account  of  circumstances,  or  because 
Texas,  influenced  by  the  law  passed  in  the  United  States  on 
annexation,  should  consent  thereto,  either  directly  or  indirectly, 
then  the  answer  which  under  this  date  is  given  to  Texas,  by  the 
undersigned,  minister  for  foreign  affairs,  shall  be  considered  as  null 

and  void. 

«  LUIS   G.   CUEVAS.     [L.  s.] 
"  MEXICO,  May  19,  1845. 

"  The  above  is  a  correct  translation  of  the  original. 

"STEPHEN   Z.   HOYLE,  Translator." 


APPENDIX.  235 

"  EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT, 
WASHINGTON,  TEXAS,  June  6,  1845. 

"Sin:  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your 
excellency's  letter  of  the  20th  ultimo,  which,  together  with  the 
the  official  documents  referred  to  in  it,  and  by  which  Mexico  has 
given  her  assent  to  the  preliminaries  of  peace  with  Texas,  upon  the 
basis  of  an  acknowledgment  of  the  independence  of  the  latter, 
were  handed  me  by  Mr.  Elliott,  charge  d'affaires  of  her  Britannic 
majesty  near  this  government,  on  the  2d  instant. 

"For  your  kindness  and  courtesy  in  transmitting  these  interesting 
and  important  papers,  as  well  as  for  your  valuable  services  in 
producing  the  result  which  they  announce  to  me,  and  the  offer  of  a 
continuance  of  the  same  good  offices  whenever  they  can  be  useful, 
I  beg  you  to  accept  my  best  thanks.  Should  the  result  be  the 
establishment  of  a  good  understanding  and  a  lasting  peace  between 
the  governments  of  Texas  and  Mexico,  with  the  concurrence  of 
their  people,  the  cause  of  humanity  will  assuredly  be  greatly 
indebted  to  your  efforts  in  its  behalf. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  to  you  herewith,  for  such  disposi 
tion  as  you  may  think  proper  to  make  of  them,  certified  copies  of 
the  proclamation  issued  by  me  on  the  4th  instant,  announcing  to  the 
people  the  agreement  of  Mexico  to  the  preliminaries  of  peace,  and 
the  consequent  cessation  of  hostilities  between  the  two  countries. 

"  The  Congress  of  Texas  will  assemble  on  the  16th  of  the  present 
month,  and  a  convention  on  the  4th  of  July  proximo.  These  bodies 
have  been  convoked  to  consider  the  propositions  made  by  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  on  the  subject  of  annexation.  The  sub 
ject  of  our  relations  with  Mexico  will  also  be  presented  to  them, 
their  decisions  will  necessarily  govern  my  future  action  in 
reference  to  the  same. 

"  Accept,  sir,  the  assurances  of  high  consideration  and  respect 
with  which  I  remain  your  excellency's  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

"  ANSON  JONES. 

"His  Excellency  the  BARON  ALLEYE  DE  CYPREY,  &c.  &c." 


236  APPENDIX. 


K. 

MEXICAN   CIRCULARS. 

"  OFFICE  OF  WAK  AND  MARINE,  > 
Section  of  Operations.       ) 

"  The  United  States  have  consummated  the  perfidy  against  Mex 
ico  by  sanctioning  the  decree  which  declares  the  annexation  of  the 
department  of  Texas  to  that  republic.  The  injustice  of  that 
usurpation  is  apparent,  and  Mexico  cannot  tolerate  such  a  grave 
injury  without  making  an  effort  to  prove  to  the  United  States  the 
possibility  of  her  ability  to  cause  her  rights  to  be  respected.  With 
this  object,  the  supreme  government  has  resolved  upon  a  declara 
tion  of  war  against  that  power,  seeing  that  our  forbearance,  instead 
of  being  received  as  a  proof  of  our  friendly  disposition,  has  been 
interpreted  into  an  acknowledged  impossibility  on  our  part  to  carry 
on  a  successful  war. 

"  Such  an  error,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  will  bo  advan 
tageous  to  Mexico,  because,  suddenly  abandoning  its  pacific  atti 
tude,  it  will  to-morrow  communicate  to  Congress  the  declaration 
of  war,  and  excite  the  patriotism  of  its  citizens  to  sustain  the 
dignity  of  the  nation,  and  the  integrity  of  its  territory,  now  treach 
erously  attacked,  in  utter  disregard  of  all  guaranties  recognized  in 
this  enlightened  age. 

"You  will  readily  appreciate  the  importance  of  this  subject,  and 
the  necessity  of  preparing  the  troops  under  your  command  to  march 
towards  any  point  which  may  require  protection  against  these  most 
unjust  aggressions.  I  am  directed  by  the  provisional  president  to 
enjoin  you,  as  general-in-chief  of  your  division,  and  as  a  citizen  of 
this  republic,  to  hold  yourself  in  readiness  to  repel  those  who  seek 
the  ruin  of  Mexico.  The  government  is  occupied  in  covering  the 
deficient  points  on  the  frontiers,  and  in  collecting  the  necessary 
means,  so  that  nothing  may  be  wanting  to  those  whose  glory  it  will 
be  to  defend  the  sacred  rights  of  their  country. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  communicate  for  your  intelligence,  and  to 
direct  your  conduct. 

"God  and  liberty.  GARCIE  CONDE. 

"MEXICO,  July  12,  1845." 


APPENDIX.  237 

This  Circular  to  the  Authorities  subordinate  to  this  Office. 

"MosT  EXCELLENT  SsNOR  :  As  my  notes  of  the  30th  of  March 
and  7th  of  April  of  this  year,  concerning  the  deserters  and  recruits 
for  the  army,  have  not  produced  effects  which  his  excellency  the 
president  ad  interim  desired,  as  the  governors  have  not  been  able  to 
gather  a  number  of  men  by  any  means  adequate  to  the  wants  of 
the  army,  his  excellency  has  ordered  your  excellency  to  provide 
the  material  to  enable  the  different  departments  to  furnish  their 
quota,  and  complete  the  contingent  of  troops  required  by  the  de 
crees  of  the  29th  of  December,  1843,  and  2d  July,  1844 ;  for 
although  the  supreme  government  has  not  exacted  with  punctual 
ity,  the  complement  from  the  departments,  she  now  sees  herself 
under  the  necessity  of  doing  so,  for  the  war  which  she  wages 
against  the  United  States,  the  perfidy  and  treachery  of  which  power 
put  her  in  possession  of  a  part  of  this  Republic. 

"  His  excellency,  the  president  ad  interim,  requires  that  your  ex 
cellency  inform  the  governors  of  the  necessity  which  exists  of 
detailing  the  number  of  men,  so  highly  necessary  to  fill  the  ranks 
of  the  army,  and  to  excite  the  zeal  and  patriotism  of  the  authorities, 
that  their  preparations  shall  be  so  effectual  as  to  fulfil  the  desires 
of  the  government,  and  prevent  the  dignity  of  the  nation  from 
being  in  any  measure  compromised. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  communicate  to  your  excellency  the  follow 
ing,  to  be  used  as  occasion  may  require. 

"  God  and  liberty.  GARCIA  CONDE. 

"July  16,  1845." 

Most    excellent   Senor,    Minister  of    Foreign    Relations   and  of  Police. 
Transmit  to  the  Authorities  depending  upon  your  Department. 

"MosT  EXCELLENT  SENOR:  It  being  necessary  that  the  troops 
of  the  line  should  cover  the  frontiers  of  the  republic,  and  march 
towards  Texas,  to  conquer  that  department,  now  usurped  by  the 
United  States,  his  excellency  the  president  ad  interim  has  com 
manded  me  to  transmit  you  this  note,  to  excite  the  zeal  and  patriot 
ism  of  the  governors,  that  they  place  under  arms,  in  their  respective 
districts,  all  the  force  which  can  be  collected  in  defence  of  the  law, 
to  be  ready  to  serve  as  a  safeguard  of  the  respective  departments, 
according  to  the  decree  of  the  4th  of  June  of  this  year,  and  the 
res-illation  of  the  7th  instant. 


238  APPENDIX. 

"  Your  excellency  will  communicate  to  the  governors  this  supreme 
resolution,  and  will  inform  them  of  the  obligations  under  which  the 
citizens  are  to  contribute  to  the  defence  of  their  country,  and  to 
sustain  rights  violated  by  a  nation  which  refuses  to  acknowledge 
them,  and  obliges  Mexico  to  maintain  them  by  force  —  which  it 
most  undoubtedly  will,  or  fall  in  the  struggle.  She  will  not  con 
sent  to  give  up  one  half  of  her  territory,  from  the  base  fear  of  losing 
the  other.  Hoping  your  excellency  will  furnish  me  with  informa 
tion  as  to  the  number  of  men  which  can  be  devoted  to  this  impor 
tant  object,  your  excellency  will  please  to  accept  my  most  high 
consideration. 

"  God  and  liberty.  GARCIA  CONDE. 

"MEXICO,  July  16,  1845. 
"  To  the  most  excellent  Senor,  minister  of  foreign  relations  and 

police." 


BIR.    SLIDELL'S   LETTER  OF   CREDENCE. 
"  JAMES  K.  POLK, 

"  PRESIDENT   OP   THE   UNITED    STATES    OF   AMERICA. 

"GREAT  AND  GOOD  FRIEND:  I  have  made  choice  of  John  Sli- 
dell,  one  of  our  distinguished  citizens,  to  reside  near  the  govern 
ment  of  the  Mexican  republic,  in  the  quality  of  envoy  extraordinary 
and  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  America.  He 
is  well  informed  of  the  relative  interests  of  the  two  countries,  and 
of  our  sincere  desire  to  restore,  cultivate,  and  strengthen  friendship 
and  good  correspondence  between  us  ;  and  from  a  knowledge  of  his 
fidelity  and  good  conduct,  I  have  entire  confidence  that  he  will  ren 
der  himself  acceptable  to  the  Mexican  government,  by  his  constant 
endeavors  to  preserve  and  advance  the  interest  and  happiness  of 
both  nations.  I  therefore  request  your  excellency  to  receive  him 
favorably,  and  to  give  full  credence  to  whatever  he  shall  say  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States.  And  I  pray  God  to  have  you  in  his  safe 
and  holy  keeping. 

"  Written  at  the  city  of  Washington,  the  tenth  day  of  November, 


APPENDIX.  239 

in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty-five, 
and  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States  the  seventieth. 
"  Your  good  friend, 

"JAMES  K.  POLK. 
"By  the  President : 
"  JAMES  BUCHANAN, 

"  Secretary  of  State. 

"  To  his  Excellency  DON  JOSE  JOAOUIM  HERRERA, 

"President  of  the  Mexican  Republic." 


M. 

LETTER. 

Mr.  Pena  y  Pena  to  Mr.  Slidett. 

"  PALACE  OF  THE  NATIONAL  GOVERNMENT,  ? 
MEXICO,  December  16,  1845.      ) 

"  The  undersigned,  minister  of  foreign  relations,  in  answer  to  the 
letter  which  his  excellency  Mr.  John  Slidell,  was  pleased  to  address 
to  him  yesterday,  has  the  honor  to  inform  him  that  the  delay  in  his 
reception,  to  which  he  alludes,  and  the  consequent  delay  in  answer 
ing  his  preceding  note,  making  known  his  arrival  in  this  capital, 
and  accompanying  a  copy  of  his  credentials,  have  arisen  solely  from 
certain  difficulties,  occasioned  by  the  nature  of  those  credentials,  as 
compared  with  the  proposition  made  by  the  United  States,  through 
their  consul,  to  treat  peacefully  upon  the  affairs  of  Texas,  with  the 
person  who  should  be  appointed  to  that  effect ;  for  which  reason  it 
has  been  found  necessary  to  submit  the  said  credentials  to  the  coun 
cil  of  government,  for  its  opinion  with  regard  to  them. 

"  The  undersigned  will  communicate  the  result  to  his  excellency 
without  loss  of  time ;  assuring  him  meanwhile  that  the  government 
of  Mexico  is  ready  to  proceed  agreeably  to  what  it  proposed  in  its 
answer  on  the  subject. 

"The  undersigned  avails  himself  of  this  opportunity  to  offer  to  his 
excellency  Mr.  Slidell,  the  assurances  of  his  very  distinguished  con 
sideration. 

"MANUEL  DE  LA  PENA  Y  PENA. 

"  His  Excellency  JOHN  SLIDELL,  &c.  &c." 


240  APPENDIX. 

N. 
LETTER. 

Mr.   Slidell  to  Mr.  Pena  y  Pena. 

"MEXICO,  December  24,  1845. 

"  The  undersigned,  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plenipoten 
tiary  of  the  United  States  of  America,  had  the  honor  to  receive,  on 
the  evening  of  Sunday  the  21st  instant,  the  communication  of  Mr. 
Pena  y  Pena,  dated  on  the  preceding  day.  The  undersigned  will 
abstain  from  the  full  expression  of  the  feelings  of  astonishment  and 
dissatisfaction  which  its  perusal  has  so  naturally  excited,  fearful 
that,  if  he  did  not  do  so,  he  might  overstep  the  bounds  which  cour 
tesy  and  the  usages  of  diplomatic  intercourse  prescribe,  in  address 
ing  a  person  occupying  the  distinguished  position  of  Mr.  Pena  y 
Peria ;  but  he  should  be  recreant  alike  to  the  character,  dignity,  and 
interests  of  the  government  which  he  has  the  honor  to  represent, 
were  he  not  to  point  out  to  your  excellency,  and  through  him  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States  and  of  Mexico,  the  misstatements,  (and 
he  begs  to  be  understood  that  he  uses  this  word  in  no  invidious 
sense,)  which  the  communication  of  your  excellency  contains  of  the 
correspondence  which  induced  the  appointment  of  the  undersigned, 
refute  the  reasoning  by  which  Mr.  Pena  y  Pena  attempts  to  sustain 
the  refusal  of  the  Mexican  government  to  receive  him,  and  apprize 
him  of  the  very  grave  consequences  to  which  a  persistence  in  that 
refusal  will  probably  lead. 

"In  performing  this  ungrateful  duty,  the  undersigned  will  sedu 
lously  endeavor  to  avoid  every  expression  that  could,  by  possibility, 
offend  the  just  sensibilities  of  the  Mexican  government;  but  this 
feeling,  sincerely  entertained,  would  degenerate  into  culpable  weak 
ness,  were  he  to  withhold  any  fact  or  suppress  any  argument  neces 
sary  to  the  faithful  discharge  of  the  task  which  has  been  imposed 
upon  him, — that  of  vindicating  the  strict  correctness  of  the  course 
pursued  by  his  government,  and  demonstrating  the  glaring  impro 
priety  of  that  which  the  Mexican  government  seems  determined  to 
pursue. 

l'-  For  this  purpose,  it  will  be  necessary  to  make  a  brief  reference 
to  the  difficulties  which  existed  between  the  two  countries,  when,  at 
the  instance  of  your  excellency,  the  consul  of  the  United  States, 
acting  by  authority  of  his  government,  addressed  to  your  excellen- 


APPENDIX. 


241 


cy,  on  the  13th  of  October  last,  a  letter,  the  substance  of  which  had 
been  communicated  orally  to  your  excellency  in  a  confidential 
interview  two  days  previously.  Diplomatic  relations  had  been  sus 
pended  by  the  recall  of  General  Almonte,  the  Mexican  minister  at 
Washington,  in  March  last,  and  the  subsequent  withdrawal  of  the 
minister  of  the  United  States  from  Mexico. 

"  Mexico  considered  herself  aggrieved  by  the  course  which  the 
United  States  had  pursued  in  relation  to  Texas,  and  this  feeling,  it 
is  true,  was  the  immediate  cause  of  the  abrupt  termination  of  all 
diplomatic  relations ;  but  the  United  States,  on  their  part,  had  causes 
of  complaint,  better  founded  and  more  serious,  arising  out  of  the 
claims  of  its  citizens  on  Mexico. 

"  It  is  not  the  purpose  of  the  undersigned  to  trace  the  history  of 
these  claims,  and  the  outrages  from  which  they  sprung.  The  an 
nals  of  no  civilized  nation  present,  in  so  short  a  period  of  time,  so 
many  wanton  attacks  upon  the  rights  of  persons  and  property  as 
have  been  endured  by  citizens  of  the  United  States  from  the 
Mexican  authorities  —  attacks  that  would  never  have  been  tolerated 
from  any  other  nation  than  a  neighboring  and  sister  republic.  They 
were  the  subject  of  earnest,  repeated,  and  unavailing  remonstrance, 
during  a  long  series  of  years,  until  at  last,  on  the  llth  of  April, 
1839,  a  convention  was  concluded  for  their  adjustment.  As,  by  the 
provisions  of  that  convention,  the  board  of  commissioners  organized 
for  the  liquidation  of  the  claims  was  obliged  to  terminate  its  duties 
within  eighteen  months,  and  as  much  of  that  time  was  lost  in  pre 
liminary  discussions,  it  only  acted  finally  upon  a  small  portion  of 
the  claims,  the  amount  awarded  upon  which  amounted  to  $2,026,139, 
(two  millions  twenty-six  thousand  one  hundred  and  thirty-nine 
dollars;)  claims  were  examined  and  awarded  by  the  American 
commissioners,  amounting  to  $928,627,  (nine  hundred  and  twenty- 
eight  thousand  six  hundred  and  twenty-seven  dollars,)  upon  which 
the  umpire  refused  to  decide,  alleging  that  his  authority  had  ex 
pired,  while  others,  to  the  amount  of  $3,336,837,  (three  millions 
three  hundred  and  thirty-six  thousand  eight  hundred  and  thirty- 
seven  dollars,)  remained  altogether  unacted  upon,  because  they  had 
been  submitted  too  late  for  the  decision  of  the  board.  In  relation 
to  the  claims  which  had  been  submitted  to  the  board  of  commis 
sioners,  but  were  not  acted  on  for  want  of  time,  amounting  to 
$4.265,464,  (four  millions  two  hundred  and  sixty -five  thousand  four 
hundred  and  sixty-four  dollars,)  a  convention  was  signed  in  this 
21 


242 


APPENDIX. 


capital  on  the  20th  of  November,  1843,  by  Mr.  Waddy  Thompson, 
on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  and  Messrs.  Bocanegra  and  Tri- 
gueros,  on  that  of  Mexico,  which  was  ratified  by  the  senate  of  the 
United  States,  with  two  amendments  manifestly  reasonable  and 
necessary.  Upon  a  reference  of  these  amendments  to  the  govern 
ment  of  Mexico,  it  interposed  evasions,  difficulties,  and  delays  of 
every  kind,  and  has  never  yet  decided  whether  it  would  accede  to 
them -or  not,  although  the  subject  has  been  repeatedly  pressed  by 
the  ministers  of  the  United  States.  Subsequently,  additional  claims 
have  been  presented  to  the  department  of  state,  exceeding  in 
amount  $2,200,000,  (two  millions  two  hundred  thousand  dollars,) 
showing  in  all,  the  enormous  aggregate  of  $8,491,603,  (eight  mil 
lions  four  hundred  and  ninety-one  thousand  six  hundred  and  three 
dollars.)  But  what  has  been  the  fate  even  of  those  claimants 
against  the  government  of  Mexico,  whose  debt  has  been  fully  liqui 
dated,  recognized  by  Mexico,  and  its  payment  guarantied  by  the 
most  solemn  treaty  stipulations  ?  The  Mexican  government,  finding 
it  inconvenient  to  pay  the  amount  awarded,  either  in  money  or  in 
an  issue  of  treasury  notes,  according  to  the  terms  of  the  conven 
tion,  a  new  convention  was  concluded  on  the  30th  of  January,  1843, 
between  the  two  governments,  to  relieve  that  of  Mexico  from  this 
embarrassment.  By  its  terms,  the  interest  due  on  the  whole  amount 
awarded  was  ordered  to  be  paid  on  the  30th  of  April,  1843,  and  the 
principal,  with  the  accruing  interest,  was  made  payable  in  five 
years,  in  equal  instalments,  every  three  months.  Under  this  new 
agreement,  made  to  favor  Mexico,  the  claimants  have  only  received 
the  interest  up  to  the  30th  April,  1843,  and  three  of  the  twenty 
instalments. 

"  The  undersigned  has  not  made  this  concise  summary  of  the 
injuries  inflicted  upon  American  citizens  during  a  long  series  of 
years,  coeval  indeed  with  the  existence  of  the  Mexican  republic, 
reparation  for  which  has  been  so  unjustly  delayed,  for  the  purpose 
of  recrimination,  or  to  revive  those  angry  feelings  which  it  was  the 
object  of  his  mission  to  assuage,  and,  if  possible,  by  friendly  and 
frank  negotiation,  to  bury  in  the  most  profound  oblivion ;  but  simply 
to  prove,  that  if  the  proposition  made  by  his  government,  through 
its  consul,  for  the  renewal  of  diplomatic  relations,  presented  any 
ambiguity,  (which,  he  will  proceed  to  show,  does  not  exist,)  it  could 
not,  by  any  fair  rule  of  construction,  bear  the  interpretation  which 
your  excellency  has  given  to  it.  The  United  States  have  never 


APPENDIX.  243 

yet,  in  the  course  of  their  history,  failed  to  vindicate,  and  success 
fully,  too,  against  the  most  powerful  nations  of  the  earth,  the  rights 
of  their  injured  citizens.  If  such  has  been  their  course  in  their 
infancy,  and  when  comparatively  feeble,  it  cannot  be  presumed  that 
they  will  deviate  from  it  now. 

"  Mr.  Peiia  y  Pefia  says,  that,  having  communicated  to  his  excel 
lency  the  president  of  the  republic  the  note  of  the  undersigned,  of 
the  8th  instant,  with  a  copy  of  his  credentials,  and  the  letter  of  the 
secretary  of  state  of  the  United  States  relative  to  his  mission,  he 
regrets  to  inform  the  undersigned,  that  although  the  supreme  gov 
ernment  of  the  republic  continues  to  entertain  the  same  pacific  and 
conciliatory  intentions  which  your  excellency  manifested  to  the 
consul  of  the  United  States  in  his  confidential  note  of  14th  October 
last,  it  does  not  think  that,  to  accomplish  the  object  which  was  pro 
posed  by  the  said  consul,  in  the  name  of  the  American  government, 
and  which  was  accepted  by  Mr.  Pefia  y  Pena,  it  is  in  the  situation 
(este  en  el  caso)  to  admit  the  undersigned  in  the  character  with 
which  he  comes  invested,  of  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister 
plenipotentiary  resident  in  the  republic,  and  that,  to  sustain  this 
refusal,  Mr.  Pefia  y  Pefia  will  briefly  expose  to  the  undersigned  the 
reasons  which  have  governed  his  excellency  the  president.  Your 
excellency  then  proceeds  to  say  that  the  proposition  in  question 
was  spontaneously  made  by  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
and  accepted  by  that  of  Mexico,  to  give  a  new  proof  that  even  in 
the  midst  of  its  injuries,  and  of  its  firm  determination  to  exact 
adequate  reparation  for  them,  it  neither  repelled  nor  undervalued 
the  measure  of  reason  and  peace  to  which  it  was  invited,  so  that 
the  proposition,  as  well  as  its  acceptance,  turned  upon  the  precise 
and  positive  supposition  that  the  commissioner  should  be  ad  hoc ; 
that  is  to  say,  to  arrange  in  a  peaceful  and  decorous  manner  the 
questions  of  Texas.  This  has  not  been  done,  since  the  undersigned 
does  not  come  in  that  capacity,  but  in  the  absolute  and  general 
capacity  of  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plenipotentiary,  to 
reside  in  that  quality  near  the  Mexican  government.  That  if  the 
undersigned  be  admitted  in  this  character,  which  differs  essentially 
from  that  which  was  proposed  for  his  mission  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States,  and  which  was  accepted  by  the  Mexican  govern 
ment,  it  would  give  room  to  believe  that  the  relations^)  f  the  two 
republics  became  at  once  open  and  free;  which  could  no.t  take 
place,  without  the  questions,  which  had  brought  about  the  state 


244  APPENDIX. 

of  interruption  which  now  exists,  were  previously  terminated  peace 
ably,  but  in  a  decorous  manner  for  Mexico. 

"  If  your  excellency  had  not  himself  conducted  the  preliminary 
and  informal  negotiation  with  the  consul  of  the  United  States,  of 
which  the  preceding  version  is  given  by  him  ;  if  the  letter  of  the 
consul  had  not  been  addressed  to,  and  answered  by,  your  excellency, 
the  undersigned  would  be  constrained  to  believe  that  your  excel 
lency  had  derived  his  knowledge  of  it  from  some  unauthentic  source. 
But,  as  this  is  not  the  case,  the  undersigned  trusts  that  your  excel 
lency  will  pardon  him  if  he  suggests  the  doubt  -  whether  your 
excellency  —  constantly  occupied,  as  he  must  for  some  time  past 
have  been,  by  the  disturbed  state  of  the  internal  affairs  of  the 
republic — has  reperused  the  letter  of  the  consul  of  October  13, 
and  the  answer  of  your  excellency  of  October  15,  with  that  scru 
pulous  attention  which  the  gravity  of  the  case  demanded ;  and 
whether  the  lapse  of  time  has  not  left  on  the  mind  of  your  excel 
lency  but  a  vague  and  incorrect  impression  of  what  really  occurred. 
Another  solution,  however,  of  this  difficulty  suggests  itself  to  the 
undersigned,  and  he  shall  be  most  happy  to  find  that  it  is  the  correct 
one.  Your  excellency  refers  to  his  answer  to  the  consul  as  being 
dated  on  the  14th  October,  while  the  letter  of  your  excellency,  now 
in  possession  of  the  consul,  is  dated  on  the  15th  October,  as  the 
undersigned  has  had  occasion  to  verify  by  personal  inspection ;  and 
he  repeats,  that  he  will  learn  with  the  greatest  satisfaction  that  his 
present  peculiar  and  most  embarrassing  position  is  the  result  of 
unintentional  error  on  the  part  of  the  Mexican  government 

"  The  undersigned  will  now  proceed,  by  precise  and  literal  quota 
tion  from  the  letter  of  the  consul,  of  October  13,  to  show,  in  the 
most  conclusive  manner,  that  the  government  of  the  United  States 
proposed  to  send  to  Mexico  an  envoy  intrusted  with  full  power  to 
adjust  all  the  questions  in  dispute  between  the  two  powers ;  and  that  the 
Mexican  government,  through  your  excellency,  in  the  letter  of 
October  15,  declared  itself  disposed  to  receive  the  commissioner  of  tJie 
United  States,  ivho  might  come  to  this  capital  with  full  powers  to  settle 
those  disputes  in  a  peaceful,  reasonable,  and  honorable  manner.  The 
consul,  in  his  letter  of  October  13,  said,  that  in  a  confidential  inter 
view  with  your  excellency,  which  took  place  on  the  llth  October, 
he  had  the"" honor  to  inform  your  excellency,  that  he  (the  consul)  had 
received  a  communication  from  the  secretary  of  state  of  the  United 
States  ;  and  having,  in  that  interview,  made  known  to  your  excel- 


APPENDIX.  245 

lency  the  substance  of  said  communication,  your  excellency,  having 
heard  and  considered  with  due  attention  the  statement  read  from  the 
said  communication,  stated  that,  as  the  diplomatic  relations  between 
the  two  governments  had  been,  and  still  were,  suspended,  the  inter 
view  should  have  no  other  character  than  that  of  a  confidential 
meeting  ;  to  which  he  (the  consul)  assented,  considering  it  only  'in 
that  light.  That  your  excellency  then  requested  that  he  (the  consul) 
might,  in  the  same  confidential  manner,  communicate  in  writing 
what  had  thus  been  made  known  verbally ;  that,  in  conformity  with 
that  request,  he  transcribed  that  part  of  the  communication  of  the 
secretary  of  state  of  the  United  States,  which  was  in  the  following 
words :  '  At  the  time  of  the  suspension  of  the  diplomatic  relations 
between  the  two  countries,  General  Almonte  was  assured  of  the 
desire  felt  by  the  president  to  adjust  amicably  every  cause  of  com 
plaint  between  the  governments,  and  to  cultivate  the  kindest  and 
most  friendly  relations  between  the  sister  republics.  He  still  con 
tinues  to  be  animated  by  the  same  sentiments.  He  desires  that  all 
existing  differences  should  be  terminated  amicably  by  negotiation, 
and  not  by  the  sword.  Actuated  by  these  sentiments,  the  president 
has  directed  me  to  instruct  you,  in  the  absence  of  any  diplomatic 
agent  in  Mexico,  to  ascertain  from  the  Mexican  government  whether 
they  would  receive  an  envoy  from  the  United  States,  intrusted  with 
full  power  to  adjust  all  the  questions  in  dispute  between  the  two 
governments.  Should  the  answer  be  in  the  affirmative,  such  an  envoy 
will  be  immediately  despatched  to  Mexico.' 

"  Your  excellency,  under  date  of  October  15,  in  reply  to  the  con 
sul,  said,  — 

"  '  I  have  informed  my  government  of  the  private  conference 
which  took  place  between  you  and  myself  on  the  ]  1th  instant,  and 
have  submitted  to  it  the  confidential  letter  which  you,  in  consequence 
of,  and  agreeably  to,  what  was  then  said,  addressed  to  me  yesterday. 
In  answer,  I  have  to  say  to  you,  that  although  the  Mexican  nation  is 
deeply  injured  by  the  United  States,  through  the  acts  committed  by 
them  in  the  department  of  Texas,  belonging  to  this  nation,  my 
government  is  disposed  to  receive  the  commissioner  of  the  United 
States,  who  may  come  to  this  capital  with  full  powers  to  settle  the 
present  dispute  in  a  peaceful,  reasonable,  and  honorable  manner  ; 
thus  giving  a  new  proof,  that,  even  in  the  midst  of  its  injuries,  and 
of  its  firm  determination  to  exact  adequate  reparation  of  them,  it 
21* 


246  APPENDIX. 

does  not  repel  nor  undervalue  the  measure  of  reason  and  peace  to 
which  it  is  invited  by  its  adversary. 

"  '  As  my  government  believes  this  invitation  to  be  made  in  good 
faith,  and  with  the  real  desire  that  it  may  lead  to  a  favorable  con 
clusion,  it  also  hopes  that  the  commissioner  will  be  a  person  endowed 
with  the  qualities  proper  for  the  attainment  of  this  end;  that  his 
dignity,  prudence,  and  moderation,  and  the  discreetness  and  reason 
ableness  of  his  proposals,  will  contribute  to  calm,  as  ranch  as 
possible,  the  just  irritation  of  the  Mexicans ;  and,  in  fine,  that  the 
conduct  of  the  commissioner  may  be  such  as  to  persuade  them 
that  they  may  obtain  satisfaction  for  their  injuries  through  the 
means  of  reason  and  peace,  and  without  being  obliged  to  resort  to 
those  of  arms  and  force. 

"  'What  my  government  requires  above  all  things  is,  that  the 
mission  of  the  commissioner  of  the  United  States  should  appear  to 
be  always  absolutely  frank,  and  free  from  every  sign  of  menace  or 
coercion;  and  thus,  Mr.  consul,  while  making  known  to  your 
government  the  disposition  on  the  part  of  that  of  Mexico  to  receive 
the  commissioner,  you  should  impress  upon  it,  as  indispensable,  the 
recall  of  the  whole  naval  force  now  lying  in  sight  of  our  port  of 
Vera  Cruz.  Its  presence  would  degrade  Mexico  while  she  is 
receiving  the  commissioner,  and  would  justly  subject  the  United 
States  to  the  imputation  of  contradicting,  by  acts,  the  vehement 
desire  of  conciliation,  peace,  and  friendship,  which  is  professed  and 
asserted  by  words.  I  have  made  known  to  you,  Mr.  consul,  with 
the  brevity  which  you  desired,  the  disposition  of  my  government; 
and,  in  so  doing,  I  have  the  satisfaction  to  assure  you  of  my  consid 
eration  and  esteem  for  you  personally.' 

"  The  undersigned  has  transcribed  the  letter  of  your  excellency  at 
length  and  verbatim,  on  account  of  the  discrepancy  of  dates,  to 
w'hich  he  has  before  adverted,  in  order  that  your  excellency  may 
have  an  opportunity  of  comparing  it  with  the  copy  on  the  files  of  his 
office.  Argument  and  illustration  would  be  superfluous  to  show 
that  the  offer  of  the  United  States  was  accepted  by  your  excellency 
without  any  other  condition  or  restriction  than  that  the  whole  naval 
force,  then  lying  in  sight  of  Vera  Cruz,  should  be  recalled.  That 
condition  was  promptly  complied  with,  and  no  ship  of  war  of  the 
United  States  has  since  appeared  at  Vera  Cruz,  excepting  those 
which  have  conveyed  thither  the  undersigned,  and  the  secretary  of 
his  legation.  Nor  is  it  the  intention  of  his  government  that  any 


APPENDIX.  247 

should  appear  at  Vera  Cruz,  or  any  other  port  of  the  republic  on 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  excepting  such  only  as  may  be  necessary  for 
the  conveyance  of  despatches. 

"  The  undersigned  has  said  that  no  other  condition  or  restriction 
was  placed  by  Mr.  Pena  y  Peiia  upon  the  acceptance  of  the  prop 
osition  made  through  the  consul,  than  that  of  the  withdrawal  of  the 
naval  force  of  the  United  States  from  Vera  Cruz,  because  he  will 
not  do  your  excellency  the  injustice  to  suppose  that  any  reliance  is 
placed  by  your  excellency  on  the  mere  verbal  distinction  between 
the  terms  envoy  and  commissioner,  when  the  proposition  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  acceptance  of  your  excellency,  alike  contem 
plated  the  appointment  of  a  person  intrusted  with  full  powers  to 
settle  the  questions  in  dispute.  Indeed,  your  excellency  admits  that 
the  title  of  the  diplomatic  agent  is  of  no  importance,  by  using  the 
words  commissioner  and  plenipotentiary  ad  /ioc,  as  convertible 
terms. 

"  Your  excellency  repeatedly  and  expressly  admits  that  the  Mex 
ican  government  accepted  the  proposition  of  the  United  States,  made 
through  its  consul,  to  send  an  envoy  to  Mexico.  That  proposition 
was  frank,  simple,  and  unambiguous  in  its  terms.  If  your  excellen 
cy,  acting  as  the  organ  of  the  Mexican  government,  intended  to 
qualify  or  restrict  in  any  degree  the  acceptance  of  the  proposition, 
such  intention  should  have  been  manifested  in  terms  not  to  be  mis 
understood  ;  and  the  undersigned  unhesitatingly  rejects  a  supposi 
tion  which  would  be  inconsistent  with  the  high  respect  which  he 
entertains  for  Mr.  Pefia  y  Pefia,  that  your  excellency  did  not  intend 
to  respond  to  the  proposition  in  a  corresponding  spirit  of  frankness 
and  good  faith. 

"  The  answer  of  your  excellency  to  the  consul,  having  been  for 
warded  by  him,  the  president  of  the  United  States  promptly  com 
plied  with  the  assurance  which  had  been  given,  that  an  envoy  would 
be  sent  to  Mexico  with  full  power  to  adjust  all  questions  in  dispute, 
by  the  appointment  of  the  undersigned  ;  thus  acting  in  accordance 
with  the  friendly  feeling  which  prompted  the  government  of  the 
United  States  spontaneously  (as  your  excellency  correctly  observes) 
to  make  peaceful  overtures  to  the  Mexican  government;  for  the 
consul,  in  submitting  the  proposition  to  your  excellency,  said,  in 
conformity  with  his  instructions,  that  '  If  the  president  of  the  Uni 
ted  States  had  been  disposed  to  stand  upon  a  mere  question  of  eti 
quette,  he  would  have  waited  until  the  Mexican  government,  which 


248  APPENDIX. 

had  suspended  the  diplomatic  relations  between  the  two  countries, 
should  have  asked  that  they  might  be  restored  ;  but  his  desire  is  so 
strong  to  terminate  the  present  unfortunate  state  of  our  relations 
with  this  republic,  that  he  has  even  consented  to  waive  all  ceremony 
and  take  the  initiative.' 

"  The  appointment  of  an  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plen 
ipotentiary,  the  highest  grade  of  diplomatic  agent  ever  employed  by 
the  government  of  the  undersigned,  afforded  renewed  proof,  if  any 
such  proof  could  have  been  necessary,  of  the  sincere  desire  of  the 
president  of  the  United  States,  to  terminate  the  present  unfortunate 
state  of  their  relations  with  Mexico.  What  will  be  his  surprise, 
when  he  is  informed  that  this  additional  manifestation  of  his  friendly 
feeling,  invited  by  your  excellency,  has  been  rejected  by  the  Mex 
ican  government  with  contumely  ?  for,  notwithstanding  the  protesta 
tions  of  peace  and  good-will  with  which  the  rejection  of  the  under 
signed  is  accompanied,  he  must  be  excused  if  he  look  to  the  acts 
rather  than  the  words  of  the  Mexican  government,  as  the  true  expo 
nents  of  its  feelings. 

"  There  remains  another  argument  on  which  Mr.  De  la  Pefia  y 
Pefia  bases  the  refusal  to  receive  the  undersigned,  which  will  be 
briefly  noticed.  Your  excellency  says,  that  although  it  is  true,  that, 
in  the  letter  of  credence  of  the  undersigned,  it  is  said  that  he  is 
informed  of  the  desire  which  the  president  of  the  United  States  has 
to  reestablish,  cultivate,  and  strengthen  the  friendship  and  good  cor 
respondence  of  the  two  countries,  yet  neither  that  clause,  and 
still  less  the  single  word  reestablish,  is  sufficient  to  give  to  the  under 
signed  the  special  character  of  commissioner,  or,  what  is  equivalent, 
(6  bien  sea,)  of  plenipotentiary  ad  hoc,  to  make  propositions  on  the 
affairs  of  Texas,  capabl?  of  establishing  peace,  and  avoiding  the 
evils  of  war,  by  means  of  a  competent  arrangement.  Your  excel 
lency  is  pleased  to  say,  that  it  will  not  escape  the  discernment  (ilnMra- 
cion)  of  the  undersigned,  that  the  powers  of  such  a  plenipotentiary 
should  be  relative,  adequate,  and  confined  by  their  terms  to  the 
business  for  which  he  is  nominated,  and  that  the  nomination  which 
has  been  made  in  his  person,  conferring  upon  him  the  character  of 
a  full  and  general  minister,  of  an  ordinary  plenipotentiary,  to  reside 
near  the  Mexican  government,  is  very  far  from  offering  those  qual 
ities.  The  undersigned  is  free  to  confess  that  your  excellency  has 
paid  an  unmerited  compliment  to  his  discernment,  in  supposing  that 
this  distinction  could  not  have  escaped  him ;  for,  by  the  very  terms 


APPENDIX.  249 

of  his  credentials,  he  is  not  merely  an  ordinary  plenipotentiary,  but 
an  envoy  extraordinary  ;  and  as  such  he  is  intrusted  with  full  powers 
to  adjust  all  the  questions  in  dispute  between  the  two  governments  ; 
and,  as  a  necessary  consequence,  the  special  question  of  Texas. 

"  It  is  not  usual  for  a  minister  to  exhibit  his  powers,  until  he  has 
been  accredited ;  and,  even  then,  they  are  not  called  for  until  a 
treaty  is  either  to  be  made  or  concluded,  or  a  particular  affair  of 
importance  negotiated.  Still,  had  your  excellency  thought  proper 
to  intimate  a  wish  to  be  informed  on  this  subject,  the  undersigned 
would  not  have  hesitated  to  furnish  him  with  a  copy  of  his  powers, 
by  which  your  excellency  would  have  perceived  that  the  under 
signed  is,  in  due  form,  invested  with  full  and  all  manner  of  power  and 
authority,  for  and  in  the  name  of  the  United  States,  to  treat  with  the 
Mexican  republic  of  and  concerning  limits  and  boundaries  between 
the  United  States  of  America  and  the  Mexican  republic,  and  of  all 
matters  and  subjects  connected  therewith,  and  which  may  be  inter 
esting  to  the  two  nations,  and  to  conclude  or  sign  a  treaty  or  con 
vention  touching  the  premises. 

"  Your  excellency  says  the  supreme  government  of  the  republic 
cannot  admit  the  undersigned  to  the  exercise  of  the  mission  which 
has  been  conferred  upon  him  by  that  of  the  United  States  ;  but,  as 
it  has  not  in  any  degree  changed  the  sentiments  which  your  excel 
lency  manifested  to  the  consul,  in  his  communication  of  the  14th  of 
October  last,  he  now  repeats  them,  adding  that  he  will  have  the 
greatest  pleasure  in  treating  with  the  undersigned,  so  soon  as  he 
shall  present  the  credentials  which  would  authorize  him  expressly 
and  solely  to  settle  the  questions  which  have  disturbed  the  harmony 
and  good  intelligence  of  the  two  republics,  and  which  will  lead 
them  to  war  if  they  be  not  satisfactorily  arranged ;  which  settle 
ment  was  the  object  of  the  proposition  of  the  government  of  the 
United  States,  and  was  the  express  condition  of  the  Mexican  gov 
ernment  in  accepting  it;  without  it,  the  undersigned  cannot  be 
received  in  the  capacity  in  which  he  presents  himself,  since  it  would 
compromit  the  honor,  dignity,  and  interests  of  the  Mexican  repub 
lic.  The  undersigned  concurs  fully  with  your  excellency  in  the 
opinion  expressed  by  him,  that  the  questions  which  have  disturbed 
the  harmony  and  good  intelligence  of  the  two  republics  will  lead 
them  to  war,  if  they  be  not  satisfactorily  arranged.  If  this,  unfor 
tunately,  should  be  the  result,  the  fault  will  not  be  with  the  United 


250  APPENDIX. 

States ;  the  sole  responsibility  of  such  a  calamity,  with  all  its  con 
sequences,  must  rest  with  the  Mexican  republic. 

"  The  undersigned  would  call  the  attention  of  your  excellency  to 
the  strange  discrepancy  between  the  sentiments  expressed  in  the 
clause  of  his  letter  last  cited,  and  the  conclusion  at  which  he  ar 
rives,  that  the  reception  of  the  undersigned  would  compromit  the 
honor,  dignity,  and  interests  of  the  Mexican  republic.  Your  excel 
lency  says  that  he  will  have  the  greatest  pleasure  in  treating  with 
the  undersigned,  so  soon  as  the  undersigned  shall  present  creden 
tials  which  would  authorize  him  expressly  and  solely  to  settle  the 
questions  which  have  disturbed  the  harmony  and  good  intelligence 
of  the  two  republics.  What  are  these  questions  ?  The  grievances 
alleged  by  both  governments ;  and  these  the  undersigned  is  fully 
impowered  to  adjust.  Does  the  Mexican  government,  after  having 
formally  accepted  the  proposition  of  the  United  States,  arrogate  to 
itself  the  right  of  dictating  not  only  the  rank  and  title  which  their 
diplomatic  agent  shall  bear,  but  the  precise  form  of  the  credentials 
which  he  shall  be  permitted  to  present,  and  to  trace  out,  in  ad 
vance,  the  order  in  which  the  negotiations  are  to  be  conducted  ? 
The  undersigned,  with  every  disposition  to  put  the  most  favorable 
construction  on  the  language  of  your  excellency,  cannot  but  con 
sider  it  as  an  absolute  and  unqualified  repudiation  of  all  diplomatic 
intercourse  between  the  two  governments.  He  fears  that  the  Mex 
ican  government  does  not  properly  appreciate  the  friendly  overtures 
of  the  United  States,  who,  although  anxious  to  preserve  peace,  are 
still  prepared  for  war. 

"  Had  the  undersigned  been  accredited  by  the  Mexican  govern 
ment,  it  would  have  been  free  to  choose  the  subjects  upon  which  -it 
would  negotiate,  subject,  of  course,  to  the  discretion  of  the  under 
signed,  controlled  by  his  instructions,  to  treat  upon  the  isolated 
question  of  Texas ;  and,  should  it  have  been  found  impossible  to 
agree  upon  a  basis  of  negotiation,  his  mission,  which  was  not  in 
tended  to  be  one  of  mere  ceremony,  would  probably  soon  have 
terminated,  leaving  the  relations  of  the  two  countries  in  the  state 
in  which  the  undersigned  found  them.  If  the  undersigned  had 
been  admitted  to  the  honor  of  presenting  his  credentials  to  his 
excellency  the  president  of  the  republic,  he  was  instructed  to  as 
sure  his  excellency  of  the  earnest  desire  which  the  authorities  and 
people  of  the  United  States  entertain  to  restore  those  ancient 


APPENDIX.  251 

relations  of  peace  and  good  will  which  formerly  existed  between 
the  governments  and  citizens  of  the  two  republics.  Circumstances 
have  of  late  estranged  the  sympathies  of  the  Mexican  people, 
which  had  been  secured  towards  their  brethren  of  the  north  by  the 
early  and  decided  stand  which  the  United  States  had  taken  and 
maintained  in  favor  of  the  independence  of  the  Spanish  American 
republics  on  this  continent.  The  great  object  of  the  mission  of  the 
undersigned  was  to  endeavor,  by  the  removal  of  all  mutual  causes 
of  complaint  for  the  past,  and  of  distrust  for  the  future,  to  revive, 
confirm,  and,  if  possible,  to  strengthen  those  sympathies.  The 
interests  of  Mexico  and  of  the  United  States  are,  if  well  under 
stood,  identical,  and  the  most  ardent  wish  of  the  latter  has  been  to 
see  Mexico  elevated,  under  a  free,  stable,  and  republican  govern 
ment,  to  a  distinguished  rank  among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  Such 
are  the  views  of  the  government  of  the  undersigned,  and  such  was 
the  spirit  in  which  he  was  directed  to  act.  As  for  the  undersigned, 
while  it  was  made  his  duty  to  manifest  this  feeling  in  all  his  official 
relations  with  the  government  of  Mexico,  it  would  have  been  to 
him,  individually,  a  source  of  great  gratification  to  have  contribu 
ted,  by  every  means  in  his  power,  to  the  restoration  of  those  senti 
ments  of  cordial  friendship  which  should  characterize  the  inter 
course  of  neighboring  and  sister  republics. 

"  The  undersigned  is  not  to  have  the  opportunity  of  carrying 
these  intentions  into  effect.  Mexico  rejects  the  olive  branch  which 
has  been  so  frankly  extended  to  her,  and  it  is  not  the  province  of 
the  undersigned  to  criticise  the  motives  and  comment  upon  the 
influences,  foreign  or  domestic,  which  have  induced  her  to  pursue 
this  course,  or  to  speculate  upon  the  consequences  to  which  it  may 
lead.  For  a  contingency  so  unexpected  and  unprecedented,  no 
foresight  could  have  provided ;  and  the  undersigned  consequently 
finds  himself  without  instructions  to  guide  him  in  his  very  delicate 
and  singular  position.  He  shrinks  from  taking  upon  himself  the 
fearful  responsibility  of  acting  in  a  matter  that  involves  interests  so 
momentous,  and,  as  no  motive  can  exist  for  protracting  his  stay  in 
this  capital,  he  will  proceed  in  a  few  days  to  Jalapa,  where  he  can 
communicate  more  speedily  with  his  government,  and  there  await 
its  final  instructions. 

"  The  undersigned  received  with  the  communication  of  your 
excellency  a  sealed  letter,  directed  to  the  secretary  of  state  of  the 
United  States,  with  a  request  that  it  might  be  forwarded  to  its  ad- 


252  4PPENDIX. 

dress.  He  regrets  that  he  cannot  comply  with  this  request  The 
letter  from  the  secretary  of  state  to  your  excellency,  of  which  the 
undersigned  was  the  bearer,  was  unsealed,  and  he  cannot  consent 
to  be  made  the  medium  of  conveying  to  his  government  any  offi 
cial  document  from  that  of  Mexico  while  he  is  ignorant  of  its  con 
tents.  If  Mr.  Pena  y  Pefia  will  favor  the  undersigned  with  a  copy 
of  his  letter  to  the  secretary  of  state,  the  undersigned  will  be  happy 
to  forward  the  original  with  his  first  despatches. 

"  He  takes  this  occasion  to  tender  to  his  excellency  D.  Manuel 
de  la  Peiia  y  Pena  the  renewed  assurances  of  his  distinguished 
consideration.  JOHN  SLIDELL. 

"  His  excellency  MANUEL  DE  LA  PENA  Y  PENA, 

Minister  of  Foreign  Relations  and  Government*' 


o. 

LETTER. 

Pena  y  Pena  to  the  Council, 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  GOVERNMENT,  AND  POLICE,  ? 

MEXICO,  December  11,  1845.  ) 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  to  the  council,  through  the  medium 
of  your  excellency,  the  documents  relative  to  the  appointment  of  a 
commissioner  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
for  the  peaceable  settlement  of  the  questions  at  issue  between  the 
two  republics. 

"  As  you  will  please  to  observe  to  the  council,  the  proposition  to 
appoint  such  a  commissioner  came  spontaneously  from  the  American 
government,  which  made  it  through  the  medium  of  its  consul  in 
Mexico  ;  and  our  government  accepted  it,  with  the  declaration  that 
it  did  so  in  order  to  give  a  new  proof,  that  even  in  the  midst  of  its 
grievances,  and  of  its  firm  decision  to  exact  adequate  reparation,  it 
neither  repelled  nor  contemned  the  measure  of  reason  and  peace  to 
which  it  was  invited,  so  that  the  proposition  as  well  as  the  accept 
ance,  rested  upon  the  exact  and  definite  understanding  that  the 
commissioner  should  be  appointed  ad  hoc ;  that  is  to  say,  for  the  set 
tlement  of  the  questions  of  Texas  in  a  pacific  and  honorable  manner. 

"  As  the  council  will  also  see,  in  the  last  official  communications 


APPENDIX.  253 

among  the  documents  submitted,  Mr.  John  Slidell  has  arrived  in  this 
capital,  as  commissioner  of  the  United  States ;  but  it  does  not  appear 
that  this  gentleman  has  been  appointed  by  his  government  as  a 
minister  instructed  specially  to  treat  on  the  questions  of  Texas,  but 
with  the  general  and  absolute  attributes  of  an  envoy  extraordinary 
and  minister  plenipotentiary,  and  that  he  is  to  reside  in  that  character 
near  the  Mexican  government,  in  the  same  manner  and  almost  in  the 
same  words  used  in  accrediting  Mr.  Wilson  Shannon,  as  may  be 
seen  by  reference  to  the  document  on  that  subject,  herewith  sub 
mitted. 

"  From  these  facts  naturally  flow  the  following  reflections  :  — 

"  First.  The  mission  of  this  commissioner  has  degenerated  sub 
stantially  from  the  class  proposed  on  the  part  of  the  United  States, 
and  accepted  by  our  government. 

"Secondly.  If  this  commissioner  should  be  received  simply  in  the 
character  in  which  he  appears,  grounds  would  justly  be  afforded  for 
the  presumption  that  the  relations  between  us  and  the  United 
States  remain  free  and  open;  a  presumption  which  would  be  in 
reality  most  erroneous,  and  at  the  same  time  most  injurious  to  the 
dignity  and  interests  of  Mexico. 

"  Thirdly.  Should  he  be  admitted  in  the  character  in  which  he 
presents  himself,  however  explicitly  we  might  protest  that  he  was 
received  only  for  the  purpose  of  hearing  his  peaceful  propositions 
respecting  the  affairs  of  Texas,  it  would  always  appear  to  the  whole 
world  that  he  had  been  received  as,  and  had  been  a  minister  plenipo 
tentiary  residing  near  the  Mexican  republic ;  and  it  is  evident  that 
this  fact  might  serve  to  confuse  or  to  diminish  the  most  clear  and 
direct  protests. 

"  Fourthly.  The  government  of  Mexico  neither  could  nor  ought 
to  refuse  the  invitation  given  to  it  on  the  part  of  the  United  States, 
to  hear  and  deliberate  upon  peaceful  propositions  respecting  Texas. 
In  adopting  this  course,  which  morality  requires,  prudence  counsels, 
and  the  most  learned  and  judicious  publicists  recommend,  the  gov 
ernment  observed  the  principle  which  they  lay  down  as  just  and 
proper :  '  As  the  evil  of  war  is  terrible,  in  the  same  proportion  are 
nations  called  on  to  reserve  to  themselves  the  means  of  terminating 
it.  It  is  therefore  necessary  that  they  should  be  able  to  send  minis 
ters  to  eacli  other,  even  in  the  midst  of  hostilities,  in  order  to  make 
propositions  for  peace,  or  tending  to  diminish  the  fury  of  arms. 
*  *  *  It  may  be  stated  as  a  general  maxim,  that  the  minister 
22 


254  APPENDIX. 

of  an  enemy  ought  always  to  be  admitted  and  heard  ;  that  is  to  say, 
that  war  alone,  and  of  itself,  is  not  a  sufficient  reason  for  refusing 
to  hear  any  proposition  which  an  enemy  may  offer,'  &c.  But  if  this 
doctrine  be  just  and  rational,  so  also  it  is  just,  that  the  fact  of  a 
nation's  having  assented  to  hear  propositions  of  peace,  made  to  it 
by  its  enemy,  should  not  serve  as  a  means  of  obscuring  its  rights, 
and  silencing,  in  that  way,  the  demands  of  its  justice.  Such  would 
be  the  case,  if  Mexico,  after  assenting  to  receive  and  hear  a  com 
missioner  of  the  United  States,  who  should  come  to  make  proposi 
tions  of  peace  respecting  the  department  of  Texas,  should  admit  a 
minister  of  that  nation,  absolute  and  general,  a  common  plenipoten 
tiary  to  reside  near  the  Mexican  republic. 

"  Fifthly-  It  is  true,  that  in  the  communication  addressed  to  our 
president,  by  the  president  of  the  United  States,  it  is  declared  that 
the  commissioner  is  informed  of  the  sincere  desire  of  the  latter  to 
restore,  cultivate,  and  strengthen  friendship  and  good  correspondence 
between  the  two  countries  ;  but  it  is  clear  that  neither  this  clause, 
nor  still  less  the  single  word  restore,  is  sufficient  to  give  to  Mr.  Sli- 
dell  the  special  character  of  commissioner  to  make  propositions 
respecting  Texas,  calculated  to  establish  peace  firmly,  and  to  arrest 
the  evils  of  war  by  a  definitive  settlement.  The  reason  of  this  is, 
that  the  full  powers  of  such  a  minister  should  be  adequate  to  the 
business  for  which  he  is  appointed. 

"  Sixthly.  The  settlement  which  the  United  States  seek  to  effect 
in  order  to  attain  peace  and  good  correspondence  with  Mexico, 
which  have  been  suspended  by  the  occurrences  in  Texas,  is  a  point 
necessarily  to  be  determined  before  any  other  whatever ;  and  until 
that  is  terminated  entirely  and  peacefully,  it  will  be  impossible  to 
appoint  and  admit  an  American  minister  to  establish  his  residence 
near  the  government  of  Mexico. 

"  Seventhly.  Moreover,  the  president  of  the  United  States  cannot 
appoint  ambassadors,  nor  any  other  public  ministers,  nor  even  con 
suls,  except  with  the  consent  of  the  senate.  This  is  fixed  by  the 
second  paragraph  of  the  second  section,  article  second,  of  their 
national  constitution.  But  in  the  credentials  exhibited  by  Mr. 
Slidell,  this  requisite,  indispensable  to  give  legality  to  his  mission, 
does  not  appear. 

"  Eighthly.  Nor  could  that  requisite  have  appeared,  as  Mr.  Slidell 
was  appointed  by  the  president  on  the  10th  of  November  last,  and 
Congress  did  not  assemble  until  the  first  Monday  of  the  present 


APPENDIX.  255 

month  of  December,  agreeably  to  the  second  paragraph  of  the  fourth 
section,  article  first,  of  the  same  constitution. 

"  Ninthly,  and  finally.  It  is  a  principle  most  salutary  and  natural 
that  he  who  is  about  to  treat  with  another  has  the  right  to  assure 
himself  by  inquiries  as  to  the  person  and  the  powers  of  the  individ 
ual  with  whom  he  is  to  enter  into  negotiation.  And  this  universal 
principle  of  jurisprudence  extends  also  to  affairs  between  nation 
and  nation.  Hence  comes  the  necessity  that  every  minister  should 
present  his  credentials ;  and  hence  his  examination  and  qualification 
by  the  government  to  which  he  presents  himself. 

"From  all  these  considerations  the  supreme  government  con 
cludes  that  Mr.  Slidell  is  not  entitled  to  be  admitted  in  the  case  in 
question  as  a  commissioner  of  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
with  the  object  of  hearing  his  propositions,  and  settling  upon  them 
the  affairs  of  Texas ;  that  it  will  admit  the  commissioner  when 
ever  he  may  present  himself  in  compliance  with  the  conditions 
wanting  in  the  credentials  as  above  mentioned  ;  and  that  this  should 
be  the  answer  given  to  him.  The  supreme  government,  however, 
desiring  to  fortify  its  judgment,  in  a  case  of  so  delicate  a  nature,  by 
the  opinion  of  its  enlightened  council,  hopes  that  this  body  will, 
without  delay,  communicate  what  it  considers  proper  to  be  done  on 
the  affair. 

"MANUEL  DE  LA  PENA  Y  PENA." 


P. 

LETTER 

Of  Mr.  Black  to  Mr.  Slidell. 
[Extracts.] 

"  CONSULATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA,  Y 
MEXICO,  December  15,  1845.      $ 

"  In  compliance  with  your  request,  I  have  the  honor  to  give  you, 
herewith,  a  written  statement  of  what  passed  between  his  excel 
lency  Manuel  de  la  Pefia  y  Pena,  minister  of  foreign  relations,  &c., 
of  the  Mexican  government,  and  myself,  in  the  two  interviews  had 
with  the  said  minister,  on  the  evenings  of  the  8th  and  13th  instant, 
held  at  his  house,  as  follows :  — 

"  At  the  interview  of  Monday  evening,  the  8th  instant,  which 


256  APPENDIX. 

took  place  between  the  hours  of  six  and  seven,  I  stated  to  his  excel 
lency  that  I  presumed  he  knew  of  the  arrival  in  this  city  of  the 
Hon.  John  Slidell,  as  envoy,  &c.,  from  the  government  of  the  United 
States.  He  replied  that  he  had  been  informed  of  it  that  day.  I 
then  told  him  that  I  had  made  known  to  Mr.  Slidell  what  his  excel 
lency  had  communicated  to  me,  in  our  interview  of  Wednesday,  the 
3d  instant,  in  relation  to  the  fears  entertained  by  the  Mexican 
government  on  account  of  his  arrival  at  this  time,  as  it  would  have 
better  suited  the  Mexican  government,  and  they  would  be  more 
able  to  carry  out  their  views  in  relation  to  the  mission,  if  the  envoy 
had  arrived  a  month  later ;  and  that  our  minister,  Mr.  Slidell,  had 
regretted  much  that  he  had  not  known  the  wish  of  the  Mexican 
government  in  relation  to  this  point  before  he  left  home,  as  it  would 
also  have  better  suited  his  convenience  to  have  deferred  his  coming 
a  month  longer ;  but  it  was  his  impression  that  it  was  the  wish  of 
the  Mexican  government  that  he  should  arrive  with  as  little  delay 
as  possible. 

"  His  excellency  replied  that  he  had  been  under  the  impression, 
from  what  had  been  intimated  by  myself  and  others,  that  an  envoy 
would  not  be  appointed  by  the  government  of  the  United  States  until 
after  the  meeting  of  Congress,  which  would  not  take  place  until  the 
first  of  December ;  that  the  Mexican  government  were  engaged  in 
collecting  the  opinion  of  the  departments  in  relation  to  this  affair, 
in  order  that  they  might  be  prepared  and  better  able  to  carry  out 
their  views  respecting  the  same  ;  that  he  himself  was  well  disposed 
to  have  everything  amicably  arranged,  but  that  the  opposition  was 
strong,  and  opposed  the  government  with  great  violence  in  this 
measure,  and  that  the  government  had  to  proceed  with  great  caution  ; 
that  nothing  positive  could  be  done  until  the  new  Congress  meet  in 
January;  but  that,  in  the  meantime,  they  would  receive  the 
minister's  credentials,  examine  them,  and  be  treating  on  the  subject 
He  wished  to  know  when  I  thought  the  minister  would  receive  the 
confirmation  of  his  appointment  by  the  senate.  I  said,  this  he  Avould 
likely  know  in  a  few  days.  *  *  * 

"  I  then  presented  to  his  excellency  the  letter  of  the  Hon.  John 
Slidell,  enclosing  a  copy  of  his  credentials  and  a  letter  from  the 
Hon.  James  Buchanan,  secretary  of  state  of  the  United  States ;  at 
the  same  time  asking  the  Mexican  minister  when  it  would  be  con 
venient  to  give  an  answer ;  to  which  he  replied,  on  Wednesday 
evening,  the  10th  instant,  at  the  same  hour  and  place,  and  requested 


APPENDIX.  257 

that  I  would  attend  to  receive  the  same  accordingly ;  to  which  I 
consented ;  but,  about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  that  day,  I 
received  a  note  from  Mr.  Monasterio,  chief  clerk  of  the  foreign 
department,  advising  me  that  the  minister  could  not  receive  me  that 
night  (as  agreed  on)  on  account  of  it  having  been  determined  to  hear 
the  opinion  of  the  government  council  on  the  subject  of  the  arrival 
of  the  minister  from  the  United  States ;  but  as  soon  as  he  was  ready 
for  the  conference  arranged  with  me,  he  would  have  the  pleasure  to 
advise  me,  as  will  be  seen  by  a  copy  of  said  note,  which  I  transmit 
herewith. 

"  On  Saturday  evening,  the  13th  instant,  at  the  request  of  Mr. 
Slidell,  I  called  on  the  Mexican  minister,  Senor  Pefia,  at  his  house 
to  inquire  when  an  answer  would  be  given  to  his  (Mr.  Slidell's) 
aforesaid  note.  He  replied,  that  the  affair  had  been  submitted  to  the 
government  council,  in  a  special  session  of  this  day,  and  that  it  had 
been  referred  to  a  committee,  and  that  as  soon  as  the  committee 
made  a  report,  and  the  council  should  decide,  he  would  then  advise 
me,  through  Mr.  Monasterio,  when  he  was  ready  for  the  conference 
to  present  to  me  the  answer  for  Mr.  Slidell ;  as  he  said  when  he 
came  to  examine  the  credentials  of  Mr.  S.  he  found  them  to  be  the 
same  as  those  presented  by  Mr.  Shannon,  and  other  former  ministers 
—  as  a  minister  to  reside  near  the  government  of  Mexico,  just  as  if 
there  had  been  no  suspension  of  the  diplomatic  and  friendly  rela 
tions  between  the  two  governments ;  that  the  Mexican  government 
understood  the  present  mission  to  be  a  special  mission,  arid  confined 
to  the  differences  in  relation  to  the  Texas  question,  and  not  as  a 
mission  to  reside  near  the  Mexican  government,  as  in  ordinary 
cases ;  that  of  course  would  follow  when  the  first  question  was 
decided. 

"  I  replied,  that  as  I  understood  it,  the  Mexican  government  had 
not  only  agreed  to  receive  an  envoy,  intrusted  with  full  powers  to 
settle  the  questions  in  dispute  in  relation  to  the  affairs  of  Texas,  but 
all  the  questions  in  dispute  between  the  two  governments,  as  pro 
posed  by  the  government  of  the  United  States.  He  replied,  that  the 
credentials  of  Mr.  Slidell  had  not  reference  to  any  questions  in  dis 
pute,  but  merely  as  a  minister  to  reside  near  the  Mexican  govern 
ment,  without  reference  to  any  questions  in  dispute,  just  as  if  the 
diplomatic  and  friendly  relations  between  the  two  governments  had 
not  been  and  were  not  interrupted  ;  that  I  knew  the  critical  situation 
of  the  Mexican  government,  and  that  it  had  to  proceed  with  great 
22* 


258  APPENDIX. 

caution  and  circumspection  in  this  affair ;  that  the  government  itself 
was  well  disposed  to  arrange  all  differences.  *  *  .  # 

"  He  said  he  was  happy  to  say  that  he  had  received  very  favor 
able  information  in  relation  to  our  minister,  the  Hon.  Mr.  Slidell ; 
that  he  understood  he  was  a  person  indued  with  excellent  qualities, 
and  an  eminent  lawyer  ;  and  as  he  himself  was  of  that  profession, 
they  would  be  able  to  understand  each  other  better,  and  that  he 
would  be  much  pleased  to  cultivate  his  acquaintance  ;  and  that  if 
etiquette  and  the  present  state  of  affairs  would  permit,  he  would  be 
happy  to  pay  him  a  visit,  even  before  he  was  presented  to  the  govern 
ment  ;  and  said  he  would  advise  me,  through  Mr.  Monasterio,  when 
he  was  ready  to  present  to  me  the  answer  to  Mr.  Slidell's  note. 

"  The  foregoing,  sir,  is,  as  far  as  my  recollection  will  serve,  a  true 
statement  of  what  passed  between  the  aforesaid  Mexican  minister 
and  myself  in  the  beforementioned  interviews." 


BOUNDARY  OF  TEXAS. 

In  his  message  of  December,  1846,  Mr.  Polk  says,  — 
"  The  Texas  which  was  ceded  to  Spain  by  the  Florida  treaty  of 
1819,  embraced  all  the  country  now  claimed  by  the  state  of  Texas 
between  the  Nueces  and  the  Rio  Grande.  The  republic  of  Texas 
always  claimed  this  river  as  her  western  boundary,  and  in  her  treaty 
made  with  Santa  Anna,  in  May,  1836,  he  recognized  it  as  such. 
By  the  constitution  which  Texas  adopted  in  March,  1836,  senato 
rial  and  representative  districts  were  organized  extending  west  of 
the  Nueces.  The  Congress  of  Texas,  on  the  19th  of  December, 
1836,  passed  '  An  act  to  define  the  boundaries  of  the  republic  of 
Texas,'  in  which  they  declared  the  Rio  Grande,  from  its  mouth  to 
its  source,  to  be  their  boundary,  and  by  the  said  act  they  extended 
their  '  civil  and  political  jurisdiction '  over  the  country  up  to  that 
boundary.  During  a  period,  of  more  than  nine  years,  which  inter 
vened  between  the  adoption  of  her  constitution  and  her  annexation 
as  one  of  the  States  of  our  Union,  Texas  asserted  and  exercised 
many  acts  of  sovereignty  and  jurisdiction  over  the  territory  and 
inhabitants  west  of  the  Nueces.  She  organized  and  defined  the 


APPENDIX.  259 

limits  of  countries  extending  to  the  Rio  Grande.  She  established 
courts  of  justice  and  extended  her  judicial  system  over  the  territo 
ry.  She  established  a  custom-house,  and  collected  duties,  and  also 
post-offices  and  post  roads,  in  it.  She  established  a  land  office,  and 
issued  numerous  grants  for  land,  within  its  limits.  A  senator  and  a 
representative  residing  in  it  were  elected  to  the  Congress  of  the 
republic,  and  served  as  such  before  the  act  of  annexation  took 
place.  In  both  the  Congress  and  convention  of  Texas,  which  gave 
their  assent  to  the  terms  of  annexation  to  the  United  States,  pro 
posed  by  our  Congress,  were  representatives  residing  west  of  the 
Nueces,  who  took  part  in  the  act  of  annexation  itself.  This  was 
the  Texas  which,  by  the  act  of  our  Congress  of  the  29th  of  De 
cember,  1845,  was  admitted  as  one  of  the  States  of  our  Union. 
That  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  understood  the  State  of 
Texas,  which  they  admitted  into  the  Union,  to  extend  beyond  the 
Nueces  is  apparent  from  the  fact,  that  on  the  31st  of  December, 
1845,  only  two  days  after  the  act  of  admission,  they  passed  a  law 
*  to  establish  a  collection  district  in  the  State  of  Texas,'  by  which 
they  created  a  port  of  delivery  at  Corpus  Christi,  situated  west  of 
the  Nueces,  and  being  the  same  point  at  which  the  Texas  custom 
house,  under  the  laws  of  that  republic,  had  been  located,  and  di 
rected  that  a  surveyor  to  collect  the  revenue  should  be  appointed 
for  that  port  by  the  president,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent 
of  the  senate.  A  surveyor  was  accordingly  nominated,  and  con 
firmed  by  the  senate,  and  has  been  ever  since  in  the  performance 
of  his  duties.  All  these  acts  of  the  republic  of  Texas,  and  of  our 
Congress,  preceded  the  orders  for  the  advance  of  our  army  to  the 
east  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande.  Subsequently,  Congress  passed  an 
act  *  establishing  certain  post  routes,'  extending  west  of  the  Nu 
eces.  The  country  west  of  that  river  now  constitutes  a  part  of  one 
of  the  congressional  districts  of  Texas,  and  is  represented  in  the 
house  pf  representatives.  The  senators  from  that  State  were 
chosen  by  a  legislature,  in  which  the  country  west  of  that  river  was 
represented.  In  view  of  all  these  facts,  it  is  difficult  to  conceive 
upon  what  ground  it  can  be  maintained  that,  in  occupying  the 
country  west  of  the  Nueces  with  our  army,  with  a  view  solely  to 
its  security  and  defence,  we  invaded  the  territory  of  Mexico.  But 
it  would  have  been  still  more  difficult  to  justify  the  executive, 
whose  duty  it  is  to  see  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,  if  in 
the  face  of  all  these  proceedings,  both  of  the  Congress  of  Texas 


260  APPENDIX. 

and  of  the  United  States,  he  had  assumed  the  responsibility  of 
yielding  up  the  territory  west  of  the  Nueces  to  Mexico,  or  of  re 
fusing  to  protect  and  defend  this  territory  and  its  inhabitants,  inclu 
ding  Corpus  Christi,  as  well  as  the  remainder  of  Texas,  against  the 
threatened  Mexican  invasion."  • 


R. 

PROCLAMATION  OF  GENERAL  WOLL. 

"HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  NORTH,  ? 
MIER,  June  20,  1844.      $ 

"  I,  Adrian  Woll,  general  of  brigade,  &c.,  make  known,  — 

"1.  The  armistice  agreed  on  with  the  department  of  Texas 
having  expired,  and  the  war  being,  in  consequence,  recommenced 
against  the  inhabitants  of  that  department,  all  communication  with 
it  ceases. 

"2.  Every  individual,  of  whatever  condition,  who  may  contra 
vene  provisions  of  the  preceding  article,  shall  be  regarded  as  a 
traitor,  and  shall  receive  the  punishment  prescribed  in  article  45, 
title  10,  treatise  8,  of  the  articles  of  war. 

"  3.  Every  individual  who  may  be  found  at  the  distance  of  one 
league  from  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  Bravo,  will  be  regarded  as  a 
favorer  and  accomplice  of  the  usurpers  of  that  part  of  the  national 
territory,  and  as  a  traitor  to  his  country ;  and,  after  a  summary  mili 
tary  trial,  shall  receive  the  said  punishment. 

"  4.  Every  individual  who  may  be  comprehended  within  the  pro 
visions  of  the  preceding  article,  and  may  be  rash  enough  to  fly  at 
the  sight  of  any  force  belonging  to  the  supreme  government,  shall 
be  pursued  until  taken,  or  put  to  death. 

"5.  In  consideration  of  the  situation  of  the  towns  of  Laredo 
and  Santa  Rita  de  Ampudia,  as  well  as  of  all  the  farm-houses 
beyond  the  Rio  Bravo,  in  which  remain  all  the  interests  of  the  in 
habitants  of  the  line  committed  to  my  charge,  I  have  this  day 
received,  from  the  supreme  government,  orders  to  determine  the 
manner  by  which  those  interests  are  to  be  protected ;  but,  until  the 
determination  of  the  supreme  government  be  received,  I  warn  all 
those  who  arc  beyond  the  limits  here  prescribed  to  bring  them 


APPENDIX. 


within  the  line,  or  to  abandon  them,  as  those  who  disobey  this 
order  will  infallibly  suffer  the  punishment  here  established. 

"ADRIAN  WOLL." 


S. 
EXTRACT  FROM  GENERAL  RUSK'S  SPEECH. 

"  I  might  here  go  back  and  array  names  that  would  command 
respect,  and  among  them  the  names  of  such  men  as  Mr.  Monroe, 
Mr.  Madison,  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  Mr.  Clay,  to  establish  the  fact  that 
the  territory  of  Texas  extended  originally  to  the  Rio  Grande.  But 
it  is  unnecessary  for  my  present  purpose  to  do  so.  The  boundary 
of  Texas,  as  now  claimed,  is  the  boundary  established  by  revolution, 
and  that  boundary  is  the  Rio  Grande.  • 

"Mexico,  after  having  adopted  constitutions,  state  and  federal, 
conforming  very  nearly  to  those  of  the  United  States,  passed  liberal 
laws,  and  held  out  strong  inducements  to  the  people  of  every  clime, 
to  encourage  the  settlement  of  Texas.  This  was  done,  not  so  much 
for  the  benefit  of  those  who  might  take  up  their  abode  within  that 
district  of  country,-  as  for  the  purpose  of  redeeming  that  valuable 
portion  of  her  territory  from  the  dominion  of  the  savage,  which 
Mexico  had  struggled  to  accomplish,  but  without  success,  for  cen 
turies  past. 

Before  Austin  went  into  Texas  with  his  colonists,  hostile  Indians 
roamed  in  bands  throughout  the  country,  unrestrained.  They 
were  .constantly  committing  depreciations,  robbing  the  people  of 
their  property,  and  carrying  into  abject  bondage  the  women  and 
children  of  the  frontier  settlements.  For  the  purpose,  then,  of 
driving  out  this  ruthless  foe,  were  inducements  held  out  to  the 
colonists- to  settle  there.  Until  the  year  1834,  with  but  few  inter 
ruptions,  there  existed  a  state  of  peace  and  quietness.  In  that  year 
Santa  Anna,  at  the  head  of  the  military  power,  overthrew  the  con 
stitution  of  1824,  abolished  the  state  governments,  and  established 
one  of  the  most  tyrannical  and  absolute  governments  that  ever 
existed.  The  government  thus  established  by  Santa  Anna  is' 
misunderstood  here  —  it  was  an  absolute  government.  It  is  true  that 
there  was  the  name  of  a  congress,  but  it  was  the  name  alone.  The 
president  was,  in  reality,  the  supreme  dictator.  He  called  a  con- 


262 


APPENDIX. 


gress  of  notables  around  him,  but  that  congress  was  entirely  sub 
servient  to  his  will.  Another  feature  in  the  central  constitution  was, 
that  the  president  had  the  -power  to  appoint,  at  his  pleasure,  an 
executive  council  from  the  different  portions  of  the  community,  the 
industrial  classes,  the  priesthood,  the  military,  the  commercial,  and 
others.  They  were,  however,  from  the  very  nature  of  the  tenure  of 
their  offices,  his  creatures,  and,  if  they  were  not  subservient  to  his 
views,  he  could  remove  them  at  his  pleasure.  Again ;  it  was  one 
of  the  fundamental  articles  of  this  central  government,  that  the  pres 
ident,  with  the  advice  of  his  council,  might  suspend  the  action  of 
any  other  department  of  the  government,  so  that,  in  reality,  absolute 
power  was  vested  in  the  president. 

"  The  people  of  Texas  were  unwilling  to  commence  the  revolu 
tion —  they  were  anxious  to  avoid  a  collision  with  Mexico.  They 
sent  Austin  to  Mexico  to  represent  their  condition,  and  to  ask  some 
guaranty  that  they  should  not  be  disturbed  in  the  enjoyment  of  their 
rights.  Without  any  cause,  and  even  without  charges  having  been 
preferred  against  him,  he  was  seized  and  incarcerated  in  the  loath 
some  dungeons  of  Mexico,  where,  in  fact,  he  contracted  the  disease 
which  terminated  his  honorable  and  useful  life.  In  order  to  carry 
out  the  establishment  of  this  central  government,  it  became  necessary 
for  Santa  Anna  to  possess  himself  of  all  the  physical  power  in 
Mexico.  With  a  vieAv  to  this,  he  procured  the  passage  of  a  decree 
requiring  the  States,  as  well  as  individuals,  to  surrender  up  all  the 
arms  which  they  had  in  their  possession.  This  law  was  enforced 
throughout  Mexico.  State  constitutions  were  destroyed  ;  States 
were  declared  to  be  mere  departments  ;  were  deprived  of  all  legis 
lative  authority,  and  their  governors  were  appointed  by  the  central 
government.  This  law  was,  as  I  have  said,  enforced  all  over  Mexico, 
although  there  were  some  States  which  held  out  for  some  time 
against  it.  The  State  of  Zacatecas,  after  a  sharp  contest,  yielded, 
and  other  States  made  but  a  feeble  resistance.  Texas  could  not 
yield  to  it  —  she  could  not  yield  to  such  a  decree.  We  were 
surrounded  by  hostile  Indians,  the  Camanches  and  various  other 
tribes,  who  were  committing  depredations  on  our  frontiers.  The 
Indians  settled  amongst  us,  greatly  exceeded  our  own  population  in 
point  of  numbers,  and  it  was  known  that  Mexican  agents  had  been 
among  them  urging  them  to  take  up  the  tomahawk  and  scalping- 
knife,  and  exterminate  the  Texans.  If  we  had  submitted  to  have 
our  arms  taken  from  us,  the  result  would  have  been  indiscriminate 


APPENDIX.  263 

massacre.  Under  such  circumstances,  there  is  scarcely  any  one,  I 
presume,  who  would  have  asked  us  to  give  up  our  arms,  even  to 
avoid  the  charge  of  being  land  rollers.  An  attempt  was  made  by 
Santa  Anna  to  enforce  this  law  in  Texas. 

"  The  people  of  the  various  municipalities  had  elected  delegates 
to  meet  in  general  consultation,  at  San  Felipe,  to  determine  whether 
we  would  submit  to  the  central  government,  and  to  agree  upon  some 
definite  course  of  combined  action.  This  convention  was  to 
assemble  in  October,  1835. 

"  About  this  time,  however,  General  Cos,  at  the  head  of  an  army 
of  central  troops,  crossed  the  Rio  Grande,  left  a  garrison  at  Lipan- 
titlan,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Nueces,  and  one  at  Goliad,  and 
marched  with  his  main  force  to  San  Antonio,  where  he  established 
his  headquarters.  During  this  march,  there  was  no  movement  on 
our  part  to  take  up  arms ;  we  were  quietly  assembling  at  San  Felipe 
to  consult  as  to  what  course  we  should  adopt.  About  the  time 
General  Cos  reached  San  Antonio,  he  sent  a  detachment  of  two 
hundred  cavalry  to  Gonzales,  a  small  town  in  the  neighborhood  of 
that  place,  to  demand  from  its  citizens  the  surrender  of  a  small 
piece  of  ordnance,  which  had  been  purchased  by  them  as  a  means 
of  defence  against  the  Indians.  They  asked  twenty-four  hours  to 
consider,  and  finally  refused  to  surrender  their  cannon,  but  gave  the 
assailants  its  contents,  and  a  fight  ensued  between  them  and  the 
Mexican  cavalry ;  and  thus,  sir,  the  revolution  commenced. 

"  As  the  news  of  this  occurrence  spread,  the  citizens  from  all 
quarters  shouldered  their  rifles  and  hurried  to  the  contest.  Captain 
Dimmit  raised  a  company  of  men,  took  the  garrison  at  Goliad, 
inarched  to  Lipantitlan,  where  he  was  joined  by  citizens  residing  on 
both  sides  of  the  Nueces,  as  well  as  some  who  resided  on  the  Rio 
Grande ;  and,  at  the  head  of  this  combined  force,  captured  the  fort 
and  dispersed  the  central  troops. 

"  The  convention,  which  had  in  the  meanwhile  assembled  at  San 
Felipe,  declared  against  the  central  government,  and  protested 
against  the  military  despotism  of  Santa  Anna,  and  in  favor  of  the 
constitution  of  1824,  inviting  all  the  States  of  the  confederacy  to 
join  them  in  restoring  that  constitution  and  reclaiming  their  liberties. 
General  Cos,  who  had  been  closely  besieged  in  his  fortifications  at 
San  Antonio,  capitulated,  after  having  been  beaten.  Many  of  the 
citizens  who  resided  between  the  Nueces  and  the  Rio  Grande,  were 
attached  to  the  army  which  captured  General  Cos.  Now,  sir,  I 


264  APPENDIX. 

would  ask,  was  it  not  right  that  we  should  include  them  in  the 
benefits  of  our  victory,  and  provide  for  their  safety  ?  I  say,  sir, 
would  it  have  been  just  or  honorable  in  those  of  us  who  resided  east 
or  the  Nueces,  to  have  provided  for  our  own  security,  and  to  have 
left  those  west  of  that  river,  from  whom  we  had  received  valuable 
aid,  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  Mexican  dictator  ?  We  did  provide 
for  their  safety  —  many  of  them  have  since  fallen  —  we  have 
always  asserted  and  stood  by  the  rights  of  their  widows  and  orphans, 
and,  anxious  as  we  were  for  peace  and  a  termination  of  the  war 
with  Mexico,  there  never  has  been  a  time  when  Texas  would  not 
have  hazarded  her  very  existence  as  a  nation,  in  any  contest, 
however  unequal,  rather  than  have  abandoned  them  to  the  enemy. 
Life  and  liberty  were  the  stakes  for  which  we  fought —  mere  terri 
tory  was  a  secondary,  very  secondary  consideration.  These  people 
had  dared  to  resist  the  central  power  —  they  had  perilled  every  thing 
and  had  joined  us  —  had  rendered  important  services,  and  we  had 
cheerfully  accepted  their  aid  in  the  hour  of  adversity,  and  I,  for  one, 
sir,  think  it  was  not  discreditable  to  us  that  we  regarded  their  rights 
and  stipulated  for  their  security  in  our  prosperity.  General  Cos  was 
forced  to  enter  into  a  capitulation  which  protected  the  rights  of  those 
citizens,  and  which  forms  the  first  link  in  the  chain  of  our  title  to 
the  territory  extending  to  the  Rio  Grande.  Mr.  President,  I  will  ask 
the  favor  that  the  secretary  will  read  the  copy  of  that  instrument, 
which  I  hold  in  my  hand.  The  secretary  read  as  follows :  — 

" '  Capitulation  entered  into  by  General  Martin  Perfecto  de  Cos,  of  the 
Permanent  Troops,  and  General  Edward  Burleson,  of  the  Colonial 
Troops  of  Texas. 

" '  Being  desirous  of  preventing  the  further  effusion  of  blood,  and 
the  ravages  of  civil  war,  we  have  agreed  on  the  following  stipulations : 

"  *  1st.  That  General  Cos  and  his  officers  retire  with  their  arms  and 
private  property,  into  the  interior  of  the  republic,  under  parole  of 
honor ;  that  they  will  not  in  any  way  oppose  the  establishment  of 
the  federal  constitution  of  1824. 

" '  2d.  That  the  one  hundred  infantry  lately  arrived  with  the  con 
victs,  the  remnant  of  the  battalion  of  Morelos,  and  the  cavalry, 
retire  with  the  general ;  taking  their  arms,  and  ten  rounds  of  car 
tridges  for  their  muskets. 

" '  3d.  That  the  general  take  the  convicts  lately  brought  in  by 
Colonel  Ugartachea  beyond  the  Rio  Grande. 


APPENDIX.  265 

"  '  4th.  That  it  is  discretionary  with  the  troops  to  follow  their 
general,  remain,  or  go  to  such  point  as  they  may  deem  proper ;  but 
in  case  they  should,  all  or  any  of  them,  separate,  they  are  to  have 
their  arms,  &c. 

" '  5th.  That  all  the  public  property,  money,  arms,  and  munitions 
of  war,  be  inventoried  and  delivered  to  General  Burleson. 

" '  6th.   That  all  private  property  be  restored  to  its  proper  owners. 

" '  7th.  That  three  officers  of  each  army  be  appointed  to  make  out 
the  inventory,  and  see  that  the  terms  of  capitulation  be  carried  into 
effect. 

"  *  8th.  That  three  officers  on  the  part  of  General  Cos  remain  for 
the  purpose  of  delivering  over  the  said  property,  stores,  &c. 

" '  9th.  That  General  Cos  with  his  force,  for  the  present,  occupy 
the  Alamo  ;  and  General  Burleson,  with  his  force,  occupy  the  town 
of  Bexar ;  and  that  the  soldiers  of  neither  party  pass  to  the  other, 
armed. 

" '  10th.  General  Cos  shall,  within  six  days  from  the  date  hereof, 
remove  his  force  from  the  garrison  he  now  occupies. 

"'llth.  In  addition  to  the  arms  before  mentioned,  General  Cos 
shall  be  permitted  to  take  with  his  force,  a  four-pounder  and  ten 
rounds  of  powder  and  ball. 

"  '  12th.  The  officers  appointed  to  make  the  inventory  and  delivery 
of  the  stores,  &c.,  shall  enter  upon  the  duties  to  which  they  have 
been  appointed  forthwith. 

"'13th.  The  citizens  shall  be  protected  in  their  persons  and 
property. 

" '  14.  General  Burleson  will  furnish  General  Cos  with  such  pro 
visions  as  can  be  obtained,  necessary  for  his  troops  to  the  Rio 
Grande,  at  the  ordinary  price  of  the  country. 

" '  15th.  The  sick  and  wounded  of  General  Cos's  army,  together 
with  a  surgeon  and  attendants,  are  permitted  to  remain. 

" '  16th.  No  person,  either  citizen  or  soldier,  to  be  molested  on 
account  of  his  political  opinions  hitherto  expressed. 

" '  17th.  That  duplicates  of  this  capitulation  be  made  out  in  Cas- 
tilian  and  English,  and  signed  by  the  commissioners  appointed,  and 
ratified  by  the  commanders  of  both  armies. 

" '  18th.  The  prisoners  of  both  armies,  up  to  this  day,  shall  be 
put  at  liberty. 

" '  19th.  The  commissioners,  Jose  Juan  Sanchez,  adjutant-in 
spector,  Don  Ramon  Musquiz,  and  Lieutenant  Francisco  Rada,  and 
23 


266  APPENDIX. 

interpreter  Don  Miguel  Arciniega,  appointed  by  the  commandant 
and  inspector,  General  Martin  Perfecto  de  Cos,  in  connection  with 
colonel  F.  W.  Johnson,  Major  R.  C.  Morris,  and  Captain  J.  G. 
Swisher,  and  interpreter  John  Cameron,  appointed  on  the  part  of 
General  Edward  Burleson;  after  a  long  and  serious  discussion, 
adopted  the  eighteen  preceding  articles,  reserving  their  ratification 
by  the  generals  of  both  armies. 

" '  In  virtue  of  which,  we  have  signed  this  instrument  in  the  city 
of  Bexar,  on  the  llth  of  December,  1835. 

(Signed,)  JOSE  JUAN  SANCHEZ, 

RAMON  MUSQUIZ, 
J.  FRANCISCO  DE  RADA, 
MIGUEL  ARCINIEGA,  Interpreter, 
F.  W.  JOHNSON, 
ROBERT  C.  MORRIS, 
JAMES  G.  SWISHER, 
JOHN  CAMERON,  Interpreter, 
" '  I  consent  and  will  observe  the  above  articles. 

(Signed,)  MARTIN  PERFECTO  DE  COS. 

"  '  Ratified  and  approved. 

(Signed,)  EDWARD  BURLESON, 

Commander-in-chief  of  the  Volunteer  Army. 
"  '  A  true  copy,         EDWARD  BURLESON, 
Commander -in-  Chief.' 

"General  Cos,  sir,  with  his  convicts  and  soldiers,  retired  to  the 
west  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande. 

"  Thus,  sir,  the  citizens  of  Texas,  east  of  the  Rio  Grande,  had, 
so  far,  successfully  resisted  the  change  of  government  The  mili 
tary  despotism  had  no  foothold  remaining  on  this  side  of  that 
stream.  Up  to  this  time  we  had  been  contending  for  the  constitu 
tion,  which  had  been  overthrown,  and  not  for  a  separate  national 
existence. 

"  Santa  Anna,  bent  upon  the  possession  of  absolute  power,  was 
not  to  be  thus  balked  in  his  views.  He  immediately  mustered  a 
large  and  well-appointed  army,  and  at  its  head,  put  himself  en  route, 
for  our  extermination.  He  could  not  remain  quiet  while  a  few 
freemen  on  this  side  of  the  Rio  Grande  were  in  the  enjoyment  of 
rational  liberty,  and  would  not  bow  and  worship  at  the  footstool  of 
his  power.  The  rest  of  Mexico  had  submitted ;  no  response  to  the 
shout  of  constitutional  liberty  reached  us  from  beyond  the  Rio 


APPENDIX.  267 

Grande.  Santa  Anna  was  rapidly  advancing  upon  us,  threatening 
extermination,  and  we  had  no  alternative  left  but  to  assume  a  sep 
arate  national  existence.  A  convention  was  accordingly  called  in 
haste,  to  which  the  people  between  the  Nueces  and  the  Rio  Grande 
sent  delegates.  We  declared  our  independence  —  appealed  to  the 
civilized  world  for  the  justice  of  our  cause,  and  trusting  to  the  God 
of  battles,  put  ourselves  in  position  to  defend  our  rights.  Santa 
Anna  advanced  with  great  rapidity,  arid  the  first  blood  that  flowed 
in  this  campaign  was  shed  upon  the  territory  between  the  Nueces 
and  the  Rio  Grande.  The  Alamo  was  surrounded,  and  its  brave 
defenders,  to  a  man,  perished  by  the  sword.  Fanning  surrendered, 
and,  in  violation  of  the  most  solemn  stipulations  for  the  safety  of 
his  command,  he  and  his  gallant  men  were  inhumanly  butchered  in 
cold  blood.  Most  of  the  male  inhabitants  of  the  country  west  of 
the  Nueces  found  bloody  but  honorable  graves.  Santa  Anna  con 
tinued  his  rapid  advance,  spreading  ruin  and  devastation  on  his 
path.  He  was  met  at  San  Jacinto  by  seven  hundred  and  eighty 
freemen,  and  the  result  is  before  the  world ;  half  of  his  force  was 
slain,  the  remainder,  including  himself,  captured. 

"  Santa  Anna  now  occupied  a  delicate  position.  His  life  justly 
forfeited  to  us,  was  held  by  a  doubtful  tenure.  His  government  at 
home  was  unpopular  with  the  great  mass  of  the  people.  The  only 
support  upon  which  he  could  rely  for  political  existence,  was  the 
army  at  different  points  in  Texas,  now  reduced  to  some  five  thou 
sand  men,  under  the  command  of  General  Filisola.  To  save  his 
own  life,  the  remnant  of  his  army,  and  his  government,  were  im 
portant  objects.  Only  the  day  before,  he  was  the  government  of 
Mexico,  now  he  was  a  prisoner.  He  obtained  permission  and  wrote 
to  General  Filisola,  who,  in  his  answer,  promised  to  obey  implicitly 
all  orders  which  he  should  give  him.  Santa  Anna  at  once  proposed 
to  General  Houston  and  the  secretary  of  war,  then  in  camp,  to  ac 
knowledge  the  independence  of  Texas  extending  to  the  Rio  Grande. 
They  declined  to  enter  into  negotiations,  arid  turned  Santa  Anna 
over  to  the  civil  government,  (which  consisted  of  a  president  and 
cabinet,  ad  interim,  elected  for  the  emergency,  by  the  convention.) 
Santa  Anna  urged  them  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  him,  which 
they  did,  and  which  treaty,  (here  a  senator  remarked  that  it  was  not 
a  treaty.)  I  think  it  was  a  treaty,  sir,  and  I  shall  have  occasion 
further  to  remark  upon  it  hereafter."  (See  Appendix  G.) 


268  APPENDIX. 


T. 

AN   ACT 

TO   DEFINE   THE   BOUNDARIES    OF   THE   REPUBLIC   OF   TEXAS. 

"  SEC.  1.  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
of  the  Republic  of  Texas  in  Congress  assembled,  That  from  and  after 
the  passage  of  this  act,  the  civil  and  political  jurisdiction  of  this 
Repubic  be,  and  is  hereby,  declared  to  extend  to  the  following 
boundaries,  to  wit :  Beginning  at  the  mouth  of  the  Sabine  River,  and 
running  west  along  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  three  leagues  from  land,  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande  ;  thence  up  the  principal  stream  of  said 
river  to  its  source,  thence  due  north  to  the  forty-second  degree  of 
north  latitude,  thence  along  the  boundary  line,  as  defined  in  the 
treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Spain,  to  the  beginning;  and 
that  the  president  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  authorized  to  open  a  nego 
tiation  with  the  government  of  the  United  States  of  America,  so 
soon  as,  in  his  opinion,  the  public  interest  requires  it,  to  ascertain 
and  define  the  boundary  line  as  agreed  upon  in  said  treaty. 

"IRA  INGRAM, 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

"  RICHARD   ELLIS, 
President  of  the  Senate,  pro  tern. 
"Approved,  December  19,  1836.  SAM.  HOUSTON." 


JOINT    RESOLUTION 

FIXING     THE     DIVIDING     LINE     BETWEEN     THE    COUNTIES    OF    BEXAR   AND 
SAN   PATUICIO. 

"  Be  it  resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
Republic  of  Texas  in  Congress  assembled,  That  a  direct  line  running 
from  the  junction  of  the  Cibolo  or  San  Bartolo  Creek  to  the  Rio 
Frio,  at  a  point  thirty  miles  above  its  junction  with  the  Nueces, 
thence  in  a  direct  line  to  the  town  of  Loredo,  shall  be  considered 
the  dividing  line  between  the  counties  of  San  Patricio  and  Bexar, 
and  shall  be  respected  as  such  by  the  surveyors  of  the  respective 
counties.  Provided,  That  this  act  shall  not  affect  rights  previously 
acquired  by  surveys  legally  made  by  the  surveyors  of.  the  county 


APPENDIX.  269 

of  San  Patricio  below  the  old  road  from  San  Antonio  to  the  Presi 
dio  of  the  Rio  Grande. 

"JOSEPH  ROWE, 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 
"MIRABEAU  B.  LAMAR, 

President  of  tJie  Senate. 
"  Approved,  May  24,  1838.         SAM.  HOUSTON." 


u. 

MINUTES   OF  AN  INTERVIEW 

Between  Brigadier- General  W.  J.  Worth,  United  States  Army,  and  Gen 
eral  Romulo  Vega,  of  the  Mexican  Army,  held  on  the  right  Bank  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  28th  March,  1846. 

"  On  exhibiting  a  white  flag  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
a  boat,  with  two  officers,  (represented  as  cavalry  officers,)  with  an 
interpreter,  the  same  who  appeared  at  the  crossing  of  the  Colorado, 
and  a  fourth  person,  crossed  from  the  right  bank  of  the  river. 

"  It  was  stated  through  an  interpreter,  (Mr.  Mitchell,)  that  a  general 
officer  of  the  United  States  army  had  been  sent  by  his  commanding 
general,  with  despatches  to  the  commanding  general  at  Matamoras, 
and  the  civil  authorities,  and  an  interview  requested. 

"  After  some  conversation  explanatory  of  the  above,  the  Mexican 
party  recrossed  the  river,  to  report  to  the  commanding  general  at 
Matamoras,  and  return  with  his  reply.  An  open  note  for  the  Amer 
ican  consul  at  Matamoras,  with  an  indorsement  on  the  back  in  pen 
cil,  was  delivered  to  the  Mexican  officer  by  General  Worth,  who 
replied  that  he  should  hand  it  to  the  commanding  general.  l  Cer 
tainly,  of  course,'  was  General  Worth's  remark  in  reply. 

"On  the  return  of  the  same  party,  General  Mejia  sent  word  that, 
if  the  commanding  general  of  the  American  forces  desired  a  con 
ference  with  the  commanding  general  of  the  Mexican  forces,  it 
would  readily  be  complied  with ;  but  as  the  American  commander 
had  designated  a  subordinate  officer  to  meet  General  Mejia,  the 
commanding  officer  of  the  Mexican  forces,  General  Mejia,  could 
not  entertain  such  a  proposition,  but  that  an  officer  of  corresponding 
rank  and  position  in  the  Mexican  forces  would  be  designated  to  re 
ceive  any  communication  sent  by  General  Taylor. 
23* 


270  APPENDIX. 

"  It  was  perceived  that  the  relation  of  the  parties  was  misappre 
hended,  they  supposing  that  a  conference  was  requested ;  this  was 
corrected  immediately,  and  it  was  reiterated  that  General  Worth 
was  merely  the  bearer  of  despatches,  with  authority  to  relate  ver 
bally  certain  matters  of  interest  to  the  commanding  general  at  Mat- 
amoras. 

"  The  proposition  of  General  Mejia  was  then  acceded  to,  with  the 
remark  that  this  was  a  mere  question  of  form,  which  should  not  be 
permitted  to  interfere  with  any  arrangements  necessary  to  the  con 
tinuance  of  the  friendly  relations  now  existing  between  the  two 
governments. 

"  The  Mexican  party  returned  to  the  right  bank,  and  after  a  short 
absence,  returned,  stating  that  General  Romulo  Vega  would  receive 
General  Worth  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  (their  own  proposition,) 
for  the  reception  of  any  communication  which  General  Worth  might 
have  to  make  from  the  commanding  general. 

"  General  Worth  then  crossed  the  river,  accompanied  by  Lieuten 
ant  Smith,  A.  D.  C.,  Lieutenants  Magruder,  Deas,  and  Blake, 
attached  to  his  staff,  together  with  Lieutenant  Knowlton,  as  inter 
preter. 

"  On  arriving  at  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  General  Worth  was 
received  by  General  Vega  with  becoming  courtesy  and  respect,  and 
introduced  to  '  the  authorities  of  Matamoras,'  represented  in  the  per 
son  of  the  Licenciado  Casares. 

"  On  the  Mexican  part,  were  present,  General  Vega,  the  Licenci 
ado  Casares,  two  officers,  (represented  as  cavalry  officers,)  an  inter 
preter,  with  a  person  named  Juan  N.  Garza,  official  de  defensores. 

"  After  the  usual  courtesies  on  meeting,  it  was  stated  by  General 
Worth  that  he  was  bearer  of  despatches  from  the  commanding  gen 
eral  of  the  American  forces  to  General  Mejia  and  the  civil  authori 
ties  of  Matamoras  ;  a  written  and  unsealed  document  was  produced, 
an'd  General  Vega,  desiring  to  know  its  contents,  it  was  carefully 
read  and  translated  into  Spanish  by  the  Mexican  interpreter. 

"  General  Vega  then  stated  that  he  had  been  directed  to  receive 
such  communications  as  General  Worth  might  present  from  his 
commanding  general,  going  on  to  say  that  the  march  of  the  United 
States  troops  through  a  part  of  the  Mexican  territory,  (Tamaulipas,; 
was  considered  as  an  act  of  war. 

"  General  Worth.  I  am  well  aware  that  some  of  the  Mexican 
people  consider  it  an  aggressive  act,  but  —  (interrupted  by  the  Mex- 


APPENDIX.  271 

lean  interpreter,  and  after  a  slight  discussion  of  the  international 
question  on  the  part  of  General  Vega,)  —  General  Worth  repeated 
the  above  remark,  adding  that  it  was  not  so  considered  by  his  gov 
ernment;  that  the  army  had  been  ordered  there  by  his  government, 
and  there  it  would  remain;  whether  rightfully  or  otherwise,  that  was 
a  matter  to  be  settled  between  the  two  governments.  General  Vega 
still  disposed  to  argue  the  merits  of  the  case,  was  told  by  General 
Worth  that  he  came  to  state  facts,  not  to  argue  them. 

"  General  Worth  here  stated  that  he  had  been  sent  with  a  des 
patch  from  his  commanding  general  to  General  Mejia  ;  that  General 
Mejia  had  refused  to  receive  it  from  him  in  person ;  adding  with 
emphasis,  and  some  degree  of  warmth,  '  I  now  state  that  I  with 
draw  this  despatch,'  having  read  it  merely  as  an  act  of  courtesy  to 
General  Vega  ;  that,  in  addition  to  the  written  despatch  to  General 
Mejia,  I  am  authorized  to  express  verbally  the  sentiments  with 
which  the  commanding  general  proposed  to  carry  out  the  instruc 
tions  of  his  government,  in  which  he  hoped  to  preserve  the  peace 
able  relations  between  the  two  governments,  leaving  all  questions 
between  the  two  countries  to  be  settled  by  their  respective  govern 
ments;  and  if,  hereafter,  General  Mejia  wished  to  communicate 
with  General  Taylor,  he,  General  Mejia,  must  propose  the  means, 
assuring  General  Vega  that,  should  General  Mejia  present  himself 
or  his  communications  by  a  subaltern  officer,  in  either  case  they 
would  be  received  with  becoming  courtesy  and  hospitality. 

"  The  question  of  right  of  territory  was  again  opened  by  General 
Vega,  who  asked  how  the  United  States  government  would  view 
the  matter,  should  the  Mexican  troops  march  into  or  occupy  a  por 
tion  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States  ? 

"  General  Worth  replied,  that  General  Vega  might  probably  be 
familiar  with  the  old  proverb,  '  Sufficient  for  the  day  is  the  evil 
thereof,'  and  that  it  would  be  time  enough  to  reply  to  such  a  propo 
sition  when  the  act  itself  was  perpetrated. 

"  This  proverb  did  not  appear  to  have  been  translated  by  the 
Mexican  interpreter,  but  was  received  by  General  Vega  with  a 
smile  and  a  slight  shrug.  <• 

"  General  Worth,     Is  the  American  consul  in  arrest,  or  in  prison? 

"General  Vega.     No. 

"  General  Worth.  Is  he  now  in  the  exercise  of  his  proper  func 
tions  ? 

"  General  Vega,  after  apparently  consulting  with  the  Licenciado 
Casares  for  a  moment,  replied  that  he  was. 


272  APPENDIX. 

"  General  Worth.  Then,  as  an  American  officer,  in  the  name  of 
my  government  and  my  commanding  general,  I  demand  an  inter 
view  with  the  consul  of  my  country.  .  (No  reply.) 

"  General  Worth.  Has  Mexico  declared  war  against  the  United 
States  ? 

"  General  Vega.     No. 

"General  Worth.    Are  the  two  countries  still  at  peace? 

"  General  Vega.     Yes. 

"  General  Worth,  Then  I  again  demand  an  interview  with  the 
consul  of  my  government,  in  Matamoras ;  in  the  presence,  of  course, 
of  these  gentlemen,  or  any  other  that  the  commanding  general  in 
Matamoras  may  be  pleased  to  designate.  General  Vega  reiterated 
that  the  consul  was  in  the  proper  exercise  of  his  functions ;  that  he 
was  not  in  arrest,  nor  were  any  other  Americans  in  arrest  in  Mata 
moras  ;  that  he  would  submit  the  demand  to  General  Mejia,  adding, 
that  he  thought  there  would  be  great  difficulty. 

"  This  demand  was  repeatedly  made  in  the  most  emphatic  man 
ner,  and  a  reply  requested  ;  General  Vega  stating  the  consul  con 
tinued  in  the  exercise  of  his  functions,  and  that  General  Worth's 
demand  would  be  submitted  to  General  Mejia. 

"Here  the  interview  was  suspended,  while  the  licenciado  left 
the  party  to  submit  (as  was  understood)  the  demand  for  an  interview 
with  the  consul  to  General  Mejia.  While  engaged  in  friendly  in 
tercourse,  General  Worth  stated  to  General  Vega,  in  an  informal 
manner,  as  an  evidence  of  the  good  faith,  intentions,  and  disposi 
tion  of  his  commanding  general,  that  he,  General  Taylor,  was  well 
aware  of  the  importance  of  Brazos  Santiago  to  the  commerce  and 
business  community  of  Matamoras ;  that  he  respected  their  laws 
and  customs,  and  would  freely  grant  entrance  and  exit  to  all  Mexi 
can  and  other  vessels  trading  with  Matamoras  on  the  same  terms 
as  before  its  occupation  by  the  United  States,  leaving  all  questions 
arising  therefrom  to  be  settled  hereafter  by  the  two  governments. 

"  At  the  expiration  of  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  the  Licenciado 
Casares  returned  and  reported  that  General  Mejia  would  not  accede 
to  the  request  for  an  interview  on  the  part  of  General  Worth ;  say 
ing  nothing,  however,  relative  to  the  question  of  the  consul. 

"  General  Vega  was  then  again  informed  that  the  despatch  in 
tended  to  be  delivered  to  General  Mejia  by  General  Worth,  in 
person,  would  be  returned  by  him,  General  Worth,  to  his  command 
ing  general,  considering  any  other  disposition  of  it  as,  disrespectful 


APPENDIX.  273 

to  him ;  repeating  that  it  had  been  read  to  General  Vega  as  an  act 
of  courtesy  to  him,  and  that  General  Mejia  must  take  his  own  meas 
ures  of  communicating  with  General  Taylor,  adding,  that  whether 
General  Mejia  should  send  a  superior  or  subaltern  officer  to  General 
Taylor,  at  all  times  accessible,  he  would  be  received  with  becom 
ing  courtesy  and  hospitality.  General  Worth  then  presented  a 
written  and  sealed  document  for  the  civil  authorities  of  Matamoras, 
which  was  received  by  General  Vega  and  immediately  transferred 
to  the  Licenciado  Casares. 

"  General  Vega.  Is  it  the  intention  of  General  Taylor  to  remain 
with  his  army  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  ? 

"  General  Worth.  Most  assuredly,  and  there  to  remain  until  di 
rected  otherwise  by  his  government. 

"  General  Vega  remarked  that '  we '  felt  indignation  at  seeing 
the  American  flag  placed  on  the  Rio  Grande,  a  portion  of  the  Mex 
ican  territory. 

"  General  Worth  replied,  that  was  a  matter  of  taste ;  notwith 
standing,  there  it  would  remain.  The  army  had  been  ordered  to 
occupy  its  present  position  by  its  government;  it  has  come  in  a 
peaceable  rather  than  belligerent  attitude,  with  a  determination  to 
respect  the  rights  and  customs  of  those  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  while  it  offers  protection  to  all  on  the  left  bank  within 
the  territory  of  the  United  States. 

"  No  reply  having  been  received  from  General  Vega  relative  to 
the  demand  for  an  interview  with  the  American  consul,  the  ques 
tion  was  again  introduced  by  General  Worth,  and  the  demand  for 
the  last  time  reiterated. 

"  General  Vega  then  promptly  refused  to  comply  with  the  de 
mand  ;  replying,  without  waiting  for  the  interpretation,  'No,  no.' 

"  General  Worth.  I  have  now  to  state  that  a  refusal  of  my  demand 
to  see  the  American  consul  is  regarded  as  a  belligerent  act;  and, 
in  conclusion,  I  have  to  add,  the  commanding  general  of  the  Amer 
ican  forces  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river  will  regard  the  passage  of 
any  armed  party  of  Mexicans  in  hostile  array  across  the  Rio  Grande 
as  an  act  of  war,  and  pursue  it  accordingly. 

"  The  interview  here  terminated,  and  General  Worth  and  staff 
returned  to  the  left  bank  of  the  river. 

"  The  above  is  the  substance  of  the  interview  between  Generals 
Worth  and  Vega ;  is  a  fair  statement  of  the  conversation,  and,  as 


274  APPENDIX. 

nearly  as  possible,  stating  the  exact  words  and  expressions  used  on 
the  occasion. 

«M.  KNOWLTON, 

1st  Lieut.  1st  Artillery. 
"J.  BANKHEAD   MAGRUDER, 

1st  Lieut.  1st  Artillery,  Acting  A.  D.  C. 
"ED.  DEAS, 

1st  Lieut.  4th  Artillery. 
"J.  EDM'D  BLAKE, 

1st  Lieut.  Top.  Eng. 
"LARKIN   SMITH, 

1st  Lieut,  and  A.  D.  C." 


V. 

CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  GENERALS  TAYLOR  AND 
AMPUDIA. 

General  Taylor  to  General  Ampudia. 

"HEADQUARTERS,  ARMY  OF  OCCUPATION, 
CAMP  NEAR  MATAMORAS,  TEXAS,  April  12,  1846. 

"SENOR:  I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  note  of  this  date, 
in  which  you  summon  me  to  withdraw  the  forces  under  my  com 
mand  from  their  present  position,  and  beyond  the  river  Nueces,  until 
the  pending  question  between  our  governments,  relative  to  the  limits 
of  Texas,  shall  be  settled. 

"  I  need  hardly  advise  you  that,  charged  as  I  am,  in  only  a  mili 
tary  capacity,  with  the  performance  of  specific  duties,  I  cannot  enter 
into  a  discussion  of  the  international  question  involved  in  the 
advance  of  the  American  army.  You  will,  however,  permit  me  to 
say  that  the  government  of  the  United  States  has  constantly  sought 
a  settlement,  by  negotiation,  of  the  question  of  boundary ;  that  an 
envoy  was  despatched  to  Mexico  for  that  purpose,  and  that  up  to 
the  most  recent  dates  said  envoy  had  not  been  received  by  the  actual 
Mexican  government,  if  indeed  he  has  not  received  his  passports 
and  left  the  republic.  In  the  mean  time,  I  have  been  ordered  to 
occupy  the  country  up  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  until  the 
boundary  shall  be  definitively  settled.  In  carrying  out  these  instruc- 


APPENDIX.  275 

lions  I  have  carefully  abstained  from  all  acts  of  hostility,  obeying, 
in  this  regard,  not  only  the  letter  of  my  instructions,  but  the  plain 
dictates  of  justice  and  humanity. 

"  The  instructions  under  which  I  am  acting  will  not  permit  me  to 
retrograde  from  the  position  I  now  occupy.  In  view  of  the  relations 
between  our  respective  governments,  and  the  individual  suffering 
which  may  result,  I  regret  the  alternative  which  you  offer ;  but,  at 
the  same  time,  wish  it  understood  that  I  shall  by  no  means  avoid 
such  alternative,  leaving  the  responsibility  with  those  who  rashly 
commence  hostilities.  In  conclusion,  you  will  permit  me  to  give 
the  assurance  that  on  my  part  the  laws  and  customs  of  war  among 
civilized  nations  shall  be  carefully  observed. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"Z.  TAYLOR, 
'•'Brevet  Brig.  Gen.  U.  S.  A.t  commanding, 

"  Senor  General  D.  PEDRO  DE  AMPUDIA. 

[Translation.] 
General  Ampudia  to  General  Taylor. 

"  FOURTH  MILITARY  DIVISION,  i 
General-in-  Chief.  $ 

"To  explain  to  you  the  many  grounds  for  the  just  grievances  felt 
by  the  Mexican  nation,  caused  by  the  United  States  government, 
would  be  a  loss  of  time,  and  an  insult  to  your  good  sense ;  I  there 
fore  pass  at  once  to  such  explanations  as  I  consider  of  absolute 
necessity. 

"Your  government,  in  an  incredible  manner  —  you  will  even 
permit  me  to  say,  an  extravagant  one,  if  the  usage  or  general  rules 
established  and  received  among  all  civilized  nations  are  regarded  — 
has  not  only  insulted,  but  has  exasperated  the  Mexican  nation, 
bearing  its  conquering  banner  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  Bravo  del 
Norte ;  and  in  this  case,  by  explicit  and  definitive  orders  of  rny 
government,  which  neither  can,  will,  nor  should  receive  new  out 
rages,  I  require  you,  in  all  form,  and  at  latest  in  the  peremptory  term 
of  twenty-four  hours,  to  break  up  your  camp  and  retire  to  the  other 
bank  of  the  Nueces  river,  while  our  governments  are  regulating  the 
pending  question  in  relation  to  Texas.  If  you  insist  in  remaining 
upon  the  soil  of  the  department  of  Tamaulipas,  it  will  clearly  result 
that  arms,  and  arms  alone,  must  decide  the  question ;  and  in  that 


276  APPENDIX, 

case  I  advise  you  that  we  accept  the  war  to  which,  with  so  much 
injustice  on  your  part,  you  provoke  us,  and  that,  on  our  part,  this 
war  shall  be  conducted  conformably  to  the  principles  established  by 
the  most  civilized  nations,  that  is  to  say,  that  the  law  of  nations  and 
of  war  shall  be  the  guide  of  my  operations ;  trusting  that  on  your 
part  the  same  will  be  observed. 

"  With  this  view,  I  tender  you  the  considerations  due  to  your 
person  and  respectable  office. 

"  God  and  Liberty ! 

"  HEADQUARTERS  AT  MATAMORA&,  2  o'clock  P.  M.,  April  12,  1846. 

"PEDRO   D'AMPUDIA. 

"  Senor  General-in-Chief  of  the  United  States  Army, 
"  Don  Z.  TAYLOR." 

General  Taylor  to  Adjutant- General  Jones. 

"  HEADQUARTERS,  ARMY  OF  OCCUPATION, 
CAMP  NEAR  MATAMORAS,  TEXAS,  April  26, 1846. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  respectfully  to  report  that  General  Arista  arrived 
in  Matamoras  on  the  24th  instant,  and  assumed  the  chief  command 
of  the  Mexican  troops.  On  the  same  day  he  addressed  me  a  com 
munication,  conceived  in  courteous  terms,  but  saying  that  he  con 
sidered  hostilities  commenced,  and  should  prosecute  them.  A 
translation  of  his  note,  and  copy  of  my  reply,  will  be  transmitted 
the  moment  they  can  be  prepared.  I  despatch  this  by  an  express 
which  is  now  waiting. 

"  I  regret  to  report  that  a  party  of  dragoons,  sent  out  by  me  on 
the  24th  instant,  to  watch  the  course  of  the  river  above  on  this  bank, 
became  engaged  with  a  very  large  force  of  the  enemy,  and  after  a 
short  affair,  in  which  some  sixteen  were  killed  and  wounded,  appear 
to  have  been  surrounded  and  compelled  to  surrender.  Not  one  of 
the  party  has  returned,  except  a  wounded  man  sent  in  this  morning 
by  the  Mexican  commander,  so  that  I  cannot  report  with  confidence 
the  particulars  of  the  engagement,  or  the  fate  of  the  officers,  except 
that  Captain  Hardee  was  known  to  be  a  prisoner,  and  unhurt. 
Captain  Thornton,  and  Lieutenants  Mason  and  Kane,  were  the  other 
officers.  The  party  was  sixty-three  strong. 

"  Hostilities  may  now  be  considered  as  commenced,  and  I  have 
this  day  deemed  it  necessary  to  call  upon  the  governor  of  Texas  for 
four  regiments  of  volunteers,  two  to  be  mounted  and  two  to  serve  as 
foot.  As  some  delay  must  occur  in  collecting  these  troops,  I  have 


APPENDIX.  277 

also  desired  the  governor  of  Louisiana  to  send  out  four  regiments 
of  infantry  as  soon  as  practicable.  This  will  constitute  an  auxiliary 
force  of  nearly  5000  men,  which  will  be  required  to  prosecute  the 
war  with  energy,  and  carry  it,  as  it  should  be,  into  the  enemy's 
country.  I  trust  the  department  will  approve  my  course  in  this 
matter,  and  will  give  the  necessary  orders  to  the  staff  departments 
for  the  supply  of  this  large  additional  force. 

"  If  a  law  could  be  passed  authorizing  the  president  to  raise 
volunteers  for  twelve  months,  it  would  be  of  the  greatest  importance 
for  a  service  so  remote  from  support  as  this. 

"  I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"Z.  TAYLOR, 
"  Brevet  Brig.  Gen.  U.  S.  A.,  commanding. 

*«  The  ADJUTANT- GENERAL  of  the  Army, 

"  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


,\ 


w. 

LETTER. 

General  Taylor  to  General  Ampudia. 

"  HEADQUARTERS,  ARMY  OP  OCCUPATION, 
CAMP  NEAR  MATAMORAS,  TEXAS,  April  22,  1846. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  communication  of 
this  date,  in  which  you  complain  of  certain  measures  adopted  by  my 
order,  to  close  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Bravo  against  vessels  bound  to 
Matamoras,  and  in  which  you  also  advert  to  the  case  of  two  Mexicans 
supposed  to  be  detained  as  prisoners  in  this  camp. 

"  After  all  that  has  passed  since  the  American  army  first  approach 
ed  the  Rio  Bravo,  I  am  certainly  surprised  that  you  should  com 
plain  of  a  measure  which  is  no  other  than  a  natural  result  of  the 
state  of  war  so  much  insisted  upon  by  the  Mexican  authorities,  as 
actually  existing  at  this  time.  You  will  excuse  me  for  recalling  a 
few  circumstances,  to  show  that  this  state  of  war  has  not  been 
sought  by  the  American  army,  but  has  been  forced  upon  it,  and  that 
the  exercise  of  the  rights  incident  to  such  a  state  cannot  be  made 
a  subject  of  complaint. 
24 


278  APPENDIX. 

"  On  breaking  up  my  camp  at  Corpus  Christi,  and  moving  forward 
with  the  army  under  my  orders  to  occupy  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio 
Bravo,  it  was  my  earnest  desire  to  execute  my  instructions  in  a 
pacific  manner ;  to  observe  the  utmost  regard  for  the  personal  rights 
of  all  citizens  residing  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river,  and  to  take 
care  that  the  religion  and  customs  of  the  people  should  suffer  no 
violation.  With  this  view,  and  to  quiet  the  minds  of  the  inhabi 
tants,  I  issued  orders  to  the  army,  enjoining  a  strict  observance  of 
the  rights  and  interests  of  all  Mexicans  residing  on  the  river,  and 
caused  said  orders  to  be  translated  into  Spanish,  and  circulated  in 
the  several  towns  on  the  Bravo.  These  orders  announced  the  spirit 
in  which  we  proposed  to  occupy  the  country,  and  I  am  proud  to  say 
that  up  to  this  moment  the  same  spirit  has  controlled  the  operations 
of  the  army.  On  reaching  the  Arroyo  Colorado  I  was  informed  by 
a  Mexican  officer  that  the  order  in  question  had  been  received  in 
Matamoras,  but  was  told  at  the  same  time  that  if  I  attempted  to 
cross  the  river,  it  would  be  regarded  as  a  declaration  of  war. 
Again,  on  my  march  to  Frontone  I  was  met  by  a  deputation  of  the 
civil  authorities  of  Matamoras,  protesting  against  my  occupation 
of  a  portion  of  the  department  of  Tamaulipas,  and  declaring  that 
if  the  army  was  not  at  once  withdrawn,  war  would  result.  While 
this  communication  was  in  my  hands,  it  was  discovered  that  the 
village  of  Frontone  had  been  set  on  fire  and  abandoned.  I  viewed 
this  as  a  direct  act  of  war,  and  informed  the  deputation  that  their 
communication  would  be  answered  by  me  when  opposite  Matamo 
ras,  which  was  done  in  respectful  terms.  On  reaching  the  river,  I 
despatched  an  officer,  high  in  rank,  to  convey  to  the  commanding 
general  in  Matamoras  the  expression  of  my  desire  for  amicable 
relations,  and  my  willingness  to  leave  open  to  the  use  of  the  citi 
zens  of  Matamoras  the  port  of  Brasos  Santiago,  until  the  question 
of  boundary  should  be  definitively  settled.  This  officer  received  for 
reply,  from  the  officer  selected  to  confer  with  him,  that  my  advance 
to  the  Rio  Bravo  was  considered  as  a  veritable  act  of  war,  and  he 
was  absolutely  refused  an  interview  with  the  American  consul,  in 
itself  an  act  incompatible  with  a  state  of  peace.  Notwithstanding 
these  repeated  assurances  on  the  part  of  the  Mexican  authorities, 
ind  notwithstanding  the  most  obviously  hostile  preparations  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  river,  accompanied  by  a  rigid  non-intercourse,  I 
carefully  abstained  from  any  act  of  hostility  —  determined  that  the 
of  producing  an  actual  state  of  hostilities  should  not  rest  with 


APPENDIX.  279 

me.  Our  relations  remained  in  this  state  until  I  had  the  honor  to 
receive  your  note  of  the  12th  instant,  in  which  you  denounce  war  as 
the  alternative  of  my  remaining  in  this  position.  As  I  could  not, 
under  my  instructions,  recede  from  my  position,  I  accepted  the 
alternative  you  offered,  and  made  all  my  dispositions  to  meet  it 
suitably.  But,  still  Avilling  to  adopt  milder  measures  before  proceed 
ing  to  others,  I  contented  myself  in  the  first  instance,  with  ordering 
a  blockade  of  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Bravo,  by  the  naval  forces  under 
my  orders  —  a  proceeding  perfectly  consonant  with  the  state  of  war 
so  often  declared  to  exist,  and  which  you  acknowledge  in  your 
note  of  the  16th  instant,  relative  to  the  late  Colonel  Cross.  If  this 
measure  seem  oppressive,  I  wish  it  borne  in  mind  that  it  has  been 
forced  upon  me  by  the  course  you  have  seen  fit  to  adopt.  I  have  re 
ported  this  blockade  to  my  government,  and  shall  not  remove  it  until 
I  receive  instructions  to  that  effect,  unless  indeed  you  desire  an 
armistice  pending  the  final  settlement  of  the  question  between  the 
governments,  or  until  war  shall  be  formally  declared  by  either,  in 
which  case  I  will  cheerfully  open  the  river.  In  regard  to  the  conse 
quences  you  mention  as  resulting  from  a  refusal  to  remove  the 
blockade,  I  beg  you  to  understand  that  I  am  prepared  for  them,  be 
they  what  they  may.  *  *  * 

"  In  conclusion,  I  take  leave  to  state  that  I  consider  the  tone  of 
your  communication  highly  exceptionable,  where  you  stigmatize  the 
movement  of  the  army  under  my  orders  as  '  marked  with  the  seal 
of  universal  reprobation.'  You  must  be  aware  that  such  language 
is  not  respectful  in  itself,  either  to  me  or  to  my  government ;  and 
while  I  observe  in  my  own  correspondence  the  courtesy  due  to  your 
high  position,  and  to  the  magnitude  of  the  interests  with  which  we 
are  respectively  charged,  I  shall  expect  the  same  in  return. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"Z.  TAYLOR, 
Brevet  Brig.  Gen.  V.  S.  Army,  commanding. 

"  Senor  Gen.  D.  PEDRO  DE  AMPUDIA, 

Commanding  in  Matamoras. 


X. 

In  a  letter  of  Mr.  Buchanan  to  Mr.  Trist,  he  says,  — 
"  In  the  annals  of  history  never  has  there  been  a  war  conducted 
in  the  same  manner  by  invading  forces.     Instead  of  levying  milita- 


280  APPENDIX. 

ry  contributions  for  the  support  of  our  armies  in  the  heart  of  oui 
enemy's  country,  we  have  paid  fair,  and  even  extravagant  prices, 
for  all  the  supplies  which  we  have  received.  We  have  not  only 
held  sacred  the  private  property  of  the  Mexicans,  but  on  several 
occasions  have  fed  their  famishing  soldiers,  and  bound  up  their 
wounds.  And  what  has  been  the  return  ?  Treachery  and  cruelty 
have  done  their  worst  against  us.  Our  citizens  have  been  mur 
dered,  and  their  dead  bodies  mutilated,  in  cold  blood,  by  bands  of 
savage  and  cowardly  guerillas ;  and  the  parole  of  honor,  sacred  in 
all  civilized  warfare,  has  been  habitually  forfeited  by  Mexican  offi 
cers  and  soldiers.  Those  paroled  at  Vera  Cruz  have  fought  against 
us  at  Cerro  Gordo ;  and  those  paroled  at  Cerro  Gordo  have  doubt 
less  been  in  the  ranks  of  the  enemy  in  the  battles  so  glorious  to 
our  arms  at  and  near  the  city  of  Mexico. 

"  After  the  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo,  the  president  entertained  seri 
ous  thoughts  of  modifying  your  instructions,  at  least  so  far  as 
greatly  to  reduce  the  maximum  sums  which  you  were  authorized  to 
pay  for  portions  of  the  Mexican  territory ;  but,  wishing  to  afford  to 
the  world  an  example  of  continued  moderation  and  forbearance  in 
the  midst  of  victory,  he  suffered  them  to  remain  unchanged.  And 
what  has  been  the  consequence  ? 

"  After  a  series  of  brilliant  victories,  when  our  troops  were  at  the 
gates  of  the  capital,  and  it  was  completely  in  our  power,  the  Mex 
ican  government  have  not  only  rejected  your  liberal  offers,  but  have 
insulted  our  country  by  proposing  terms,  the  acceptance  of  which 
would  degrade  us  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  and  be  justly  condemned 
by  the  whole  American  people.  They  must  attribute  our  liberality 
to  fear,  or  they  must  take  courage  from  our  supposed  political  di 
visions.  Some  such  cause  is  necessary  to  account  for  their  strange 
infatuation.  In  this  state  of  affairs,  the  president,  believing  that 
your  continued  presence  with  the  army  can  be  productive  of  no 
good,  but  may  do  much  harm  by  encouraging  the  delusive  hopes 
and  false  impressions  of  the  Mexicans,  has  directed  me  to  recall 
you  from  your  mission,  and  to  instruct  you  to  return  to  the  United 
States  by  the  first  safe  opportunity.  He  has  determined  not  to 
make  another  offer  to  treat  with  the  Mexican  government,  though 
he  will  be  always  ready  to  receive  and  consider  their  proposals. 
They  must  now  first  sue  for- peace." 


APPENDIX.  281 


Y. 

REPORT 

From  the  Adjutant-  General,  in  compliance  with  a  Resolution  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  in  relation  to  the  Number  of  United  States  Troops 
that  have  been  engaged  in  the  War  with  Mexico,  the  Number  who  have 
been  killed,  died  from  Wounds,  $c. 

We  can  only  give  extracts  from  this  report,  and  from  that  portion 
of  it  which  is  explanatory  of  the  tables. 
The  tables  present  the  following  results :  — 

THE    REGULAR   ARMY. 

"  The  strength  of  the  army  at  the  commencement  of  hostilities 
with  the  republic  of  Mexico,  in  April,  1846,  7244 ;  the  force  on 
the  frontier  of  Texas,  May,  1846,  present  and  absent,  3554,  of 
which  131  were  sick ;  troops  sent  to  Mexico,  including  recruits, 
23,136,  of  which  12,551  are  of  the  old  establishment,  and  10,585 
new  regiments,  which,  with  the  force  on  the  Rio  Grande  in  May, 
1846,  makes  the  whole  number  of  the  regular  army  employed  every 
where  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  inclusive  of  December,  1847, 
about  26,690,  besides  a  battalion  of  marines,  (350.)  Twenty-nine 
thousand  men  have  been  recruited  since  the  13th  of  May,  1846, 
and  23,556  sent  to  Mexico,  which  exceeds  the  number  joined  as 
reported  on  the  rolls  and  returns,  many  of  which  are  wanting. 

"  The  regular  force  in  Mexico,  New  Mexico,  and  California,  Avas, 
in  December,  about  21,202 ;  and  since  the  1st  of  January,  2493 
recruits  have  been  sent  to  the  army,  which  increases  the  Regular 
troops  in  all  Mexico,  it  is  estimated,  to  about  23,695.  The  six 
companies  stationed  in  the  United  States,  (556,)  and  1200  recruits 
in  depot  and  at  rendezvous,  (total  1750,)  carry  up  the  regular  army 
every  where,  on  the  rolls,  to  about  25,445. 

CASUALTIES. 

"  Old  establishment :  discharges,  by  expiration  of  service,  1435  ; 
for  disability,  887;  by  order  and  civil  authority,  253;  —  total,  2575. 

"  Deaths.   Killed  in  battle,  45  officers,  434  men  ;  died  of  wounds, 
19  officers,  331  men ;  total  killed  and  died  of  wounds,  64  officers, 
765  men;  ordinary  deaths,  44  officers,  1787  men:  —  total  deaths, 
108  officers,  2552  men.     Aggregate,  2660. 
24* 


282  APPENDIX. 

"  Wounded.   In  battle,  130  officers,  1799  men ;  aggregate,  1929. 

"Resignations.  32,  in  1846  and  1847. 

"  Desertions.   1637,  of  which  9  are  marines. 

"Additional  regiments:  discharges,  by  expiration  of  service, 
2 ;  for  disability,  248 ;  by  order  and  civil  authority,  56 ;  —  total, 
306. 

"  Deaths.  Killed  in  battle,  6  officers,  62  men ;  died  of  wounds,  4 
officers,  71  men ;  total  killed  and  died  of  wounds,  10  officers,  133 
men ;  ordinary  deaths,  28  officers,  977  men ;  total  deaths,  38  offi 
cers,  1110  men.  Aggregate,  1148. 

"  Wounded.  In  battle,  41  officers,  427  men.     Aggregate,  468. 

"  Resignations,  76 ;  desertions,  445. 

THE   VOLUNTEER   SERVICE. 

"  The  whole  number  of  volunteers  mustered  into  the  service  from 
May,  1846 ;  of  which  15,911  are  mounted  men,  1164  artillery,  and 
54,234  infantry,  making  an  aggregate  of  71,309,  including  3087 
commissioned  officers.  From  this  number,  it  is  proper  to  deduct 
the  force  not  called  out  by  authority  of  the  war  department,  nor 
called  out  under  the  act  of  May  13,  1846,  and  also  the  number 
mustered,  but  soon  after  discharged,  as  supernumerary.  This  class 
is  embraced  in  the  three  and  six  months'  men,  and  two  regiments 
of  twelve  months'  men  from  Ohio  and  Missouri,  and  one  company 
from  Iowa,  amounting  to  14,383  ;  of  which  2774  were  discharged 
a  few  days  after  being  mustered  into  service,  (except  the  company,) 
not  being  required  to  proceed  to  the  seat  of  war.  Deducting  this 
class  of  volunteers  from  the  aggregate  mustered  and  paid,  (71,309,) 
the  forc%  enrolled  under  the  act  of  May  13,  1846,  and  under  the 
5th  section  of  the  act  of  March  3,  1847,  which  authorizes  the  presi 
dent  to  accept  the  services  of  '  individual  volunteers '  to  fill  vacan 
cies,  &c.,  is  about  56,926  officers  and  men.  But  this  number  was 
further  reduced  by  discharges,  &c.,  before  the  battalions  had  left 
the  United  States ;  and  it  is  probable  that  the  number  exceeded  but 
little,  if  any  50,000  men,  when  put  en  route  for  the  army. 

"  So  far  as  can  be  ascertained  from  the  latest  returns  received,  it 
appears  that  the  volunteer  force  for  the  war  and  for  12  months, 
(2017,)  now  employed  in  Mexico,  New  Mexico,  and  California, 
(25,260,)  and  the  eleven  companies  (1082)  within  the  limits  of  the 
United  States,  the  sick  included,  amounts  to  1456  officers  and 
24,886  men.  Aggregate,  26,342,  being  7589  less  than  the  number 


APPENDIX.  283 

of  the  same  regiments  and  companies  (war  men)  when  first  mus 
tered  into  service.  But  this  difference  does  not  show  the  actual 
loss ;  first,  because  the  greater  number  of  the  individual  volunteers 
enrolled,  (i.  e.,  recruited,)  among  which  there  is  much  loss,  had  not 
joined  their  regiments  at  the  date  of  the  last  returns,  and  were  not 
of  course  taken  up  on  the  rolls,  but  they  are  included  in  the  table, 
in  the  aggregate  *  received  into  service.'  And  second,  the  casual 
ties,  i.  e.,  discharges  and  deaths,  (ordinary,)  exhibited  in  the  state 
ment,  must  be  considerably  under  the  actual  number,  owing  to  the 
missing  muster  rolls  yet  due  from  many  of  the  regiments,  from 
which  the  information  alone  can  be  obtained. 

"  The  following  general  statement  presents  a  condensed  view  of 
the  various  objects  of  inquiry  respecting  the  volunteer  forces. 

"  Three  months'  men.  The  strength  when  mustered  into  service 
was  1390,  and  when  discharged  1269,  being  a  loss  of  121. 

Discharges  before  the  expiration  of  the  term,  82,  of  which  3  were 
for  disability. 

"  Deaths,  18 ;  ordinary,  8 ;  killed  in  battle  and  died  of  wounds,  10. 

"  Desertions,  22. 

"  Six  months'  men,  (but  held  only  for  three  months,  the  legal  term  ;) 
strength  when  mustered  into  service,  11,150,  and  when  discharged, 
9559 ;  loss,  1591. 

"Discharges,  before  the  expiration  of  the  term,  826,  of  which 
370  were  for  disability. 

"  Deaths,  127  ;  ordinary,  107 ;  killed  in  battle  and  died  of  wounds, 
6  ;  accidental,  14  ;  desertions,  524. 

"  Twelve  months'  men.  Strength  when  mustered  into  service, 
26,344,  and  when  discharged,  18,724  ;  loss,  7620,  (including  loss 
or  difference  between  original  and  present  strength  of  21  compa 
nies  twelve  months'  men  still  in  service,  2017  strong  at  the  last 
returns.) 

"  Discharges,  before  the  expiration  of  the  term,  4391  ;  of  which, 
3966  were  for  disability. 

"Deatlis,  2111;  ordinary,  1633;  killed  in  battle,  and  died  of 
wounds,  423  ;  accidental,  55. 

"  Desertions,  568. 

"  Volunteers  for  the  ivar.  There  are  now  31  regiments  (or  equal 
to  as  many)  and  4  companies  in  service  —  the  aggregate  strength 
of  which,  when  mustered  under  calls  from  the  war  department, 
respectively  dated  June  26,  1846,  (1  regiment,)  November  16,  1846, 


284  APPENDIX. 

(equal  to  8  regiments  and  5  companies,)  April  19,  1847  (equal  to 
7  regiments  and  two  companies,)  August  26,  1847,  (5  regiments,) 
October  8,  1847,  (2  regiments,)  and  at  various  other  dates,  (equal  to 
7  regiments  and  7  companies,)  was  31,914,  being  2626  less  than  if 
all  the  regiments  and  companies  had  been  full,  as  authorized  by 
law.  Strength  at  the  last  returns  —  officers,  1357 ;  men,  22,968  ; 
aggregate,  24,325  ;  reduced,  by  this  date,  probably,  to  less  than 
20,000. 

"  Discharges,  1339  ;  of  which,  1084  were  for  disability. 

"  Deaths,  1691,  to  wit :  ordinary,  1481  ;  killed  in  battle,  and 
died  of  wounds,  171  ;  accidental,  39. 

"Desertions,  1770. 

"  The  casualties  incident  to  the  whole  number  of  volunteers,  un 
der  various  periods  of  service,  so  far  as  can  be  ascertained  from 
the  rolls  received,  are  as  follows,  viz. : 

"  Discharges,  before  the  expiration  of  the  term,  6638  ;  of  which, 
5423  were  for  disability. 

"  Deaths,  3947,  to  wit ;  ordinary,  3229 ;  killed  in  battle,  47  offi 
cers  and  419  men  ;  died  of  wounds,  164,  officers  and  men,  as  far  as 
now  ascertained  ;  accidental,  108. 

"  Wounded,  129  officers,  1217  men. 

"Resignations,  275. 

li  Desertions,  2884. 

"  Table  E  of  the  report,  presents  a  detailed  statement  of  the 
volunteers  on  the1  rolls  for  service  in  Mexico,  New  Mexico,  and  Cali 
fornia,  including  eleven  companies  (1082)  within  the  United  States, 
according  to  the  latest  returns,  to  wit :  5527  horse,  297  artillery, 
20,518  infantry — making  a  total  of  24,886  men,  and  1456  com 
missioned  officers  —  aggregate,  26,342 ;  of  which,  2017  are  twelve 
months'  volunteers.  This  view  includes  absent  men  recruited  under 
the  law  of  1847,  many  of  whom  will  never  join ;  and,  as  is  already 
remarked,  it  is  believed  that  the  actual  strength  of  regiments  and 
companies  in  the  field  does  not  exceed  20,000  men,  including  a 
numerous  invalid  list.  The  forces  called  out  by  regiments,  and 
separate  or  independent  companies,  and  now  in  service,  equal  33 
regiments  and  1  battalion,  and  require  not  less  than  15,000  men  to 
complete  the  establishment. 

"  General  and  staff  officers  provided  for  the  volunteer  troops.  —  The 
number  of  general  and  staif  officers  appointed  for  the  volunteer 
forces,  under  the  acts  of  July  5,  1838,  June  18  and  June  26,  1846, 


APPENDIX.  285 

is  289 ;  of  which  number,  11  are  generals,  26  majors,  104  captains, 
124  surgeons  and  assistant  surgeons,  and  24  additional  paymasters. 
Thirty-seven  of  the  persons  appointed  declined  acceptance,  47  were 
discharged  as  supernumeraries,  44  resigned,  18  appointed  in  other 
corps,  15  died,  and  128  are  now  in  service." 


JUSTICE  OF  THE  WAR  BETWEEN  ENGLAND  AND  CHINA. 

In  closing  his  lecture  upon  the  war  between  England  and  China, 
John  Q,uincy  Adams  says,  — 

"  And  here  we  might  pause,  my  brethren  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society.  Do  I  hear  you  inquire,  What  is  all  this  to  the 
Opium  question,  or  the  taking  of  Canton  ?  These,  I  answer,  are 
but  incidents  in  that  -movement  of  mind  on  this  globe  of  earth,  of 
which  the  war  between  Great  Britain  and  China  is  now  the  leading 
star.  Of  the  four  questions  which  I  have  proposed  this  evening  to 
discuss,  we  have  not  even  reached  the  conclusion  of  the  first  —  the 
justice  of  the  cause  between  the  two  parties.  Which  has  the  righteous 
cause  ?  You  have,  perhaps,  been  surprised  to  hear  me  answer,  Britain 
—  Britain  has  the  righteous  cause.  But  to  prove  it  I  have  been 
obliged  to  show  that  the  opium  question  is  not  the  cause  of  the  war ; 
my  demonstration  is  not  yet  complete.  The  cause  of  the  war  is 
the  Ko-tou  !  —  the  arrogant  and  insupportable  pretensions  of  China, 
that  she  will  hold  commercial  intercourse  with  the  rest  of  mankind, 
not  upon  terms  of  equal  reciprocity,  but  upon  the  insulting  and 
degrading  forms  of  the  relation  between  lord  and  vassal.  The 
melancholy  catastrophe  with  which  I  am  obliged  to  close,  the  death 
of  the  gallant  Napier,  was  the  first  bitter  fruit  of  the  struggle  against 
that  insulting  and  senseless  pretension  of  China.  Might  I,  in  the 
flight  of  time,  be  permitted  again  to  address  you,  I  should  pursue 
the  course  of  the  inquiry,  through  the  four  questions  with  which  I 
have  begun.  But  the  solution  of  them  all  is  involved  in  the  germi 
nating  element  of  the  first,  the  justice  of  the  cause.  This  I  have 
sought  in  the  natural  rights  of  man.  Whether  it  may  ever  be  my 
good  fortune  to  address  you  again,  is  in  the  disposal  of  a  higher 
power ;  but  with  reference  to  the  last  of  my  four  questions,  What  are 


286  APPENDIX. 

the  duties  of  the  government  and  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
resulting  from  the  existing  war  between  Great  Britain  and  China  ? 
—  I  leave  to  your  meditations  the  last  event  of  that  war,  which  the 
winds  have  brought  to  our  ears  —  the  ransom  of  Canton.  When 
we  remember  the  scornful  repulse  from  the  gates  of  Canton  in  July, 
1834,  of  Mr.  Astell,  bearing  the  letter  of  peace  and  friendship  from 
Lord  Napier  to  the  governor  of  the  two  provinces,  and  the  contempt 
uous  refusal  to  receive  the  letter  itself,  and  compare  it  with  the 
ransom  of  that  same  city  in  June,  1841,  we  trace  the  whole  line  of 
connection  between  cause  and  effect  —  may  we  not  draw  from  it  a 
monitory  lesson,  written  upon  a  beam  of  phosphoric  light  —  of  pre 
paration  for  war,  and  preservation  of  peace" 


A  A. 

TREATY 

Of  Peace,  Friendship,  Limits,  and  Settlement  between  the  United  States 
of  America  and  the  Mexican  Republic.  Dated  at  Guadahipe  Hidalgo, 
February  2,  1848  ;  ratified  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  March 
16,  1848  ;  exchanged  at  Queretaro,  May  30,  1848 ;  proclaimed  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  July  4,  1848. 

BY    THE    PRESIDENT    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES    OF    AMERICA. 
A  PROCLAMATION. 

"  WHEREAS,  a  treaty  of  peace,  friendship,  limits,  and  settlement 
between  the  United  States  of  America  and  the  Mexican  Republic, 
was  concluded  and  signed  at  the  city  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  on 
the  second  day  of  February,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
forty-eight,  which  treaty,  as  amended  by  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  and,  being  in  the  English  and  Spanish  languages,  is  word 
for  word  as  follows  :  — 
"  In  the  name  of  Almighty  God : 

"  The  United  States  of  America  and  the  United  Mexican  States, 
animated  by  a  sincere  desire  to  put  an  end  to  the  calamities  of  the 
war  which  unhappily  exists  between  the  two  republics,  and  to 
establish  upon  a  solid  basis  relations  of  peace  and  friendship,  which 


APPENDIX.  287 

shall  confer  reciprocal  benefits  upon  the  citizens  of  both,  and  assure 
the  concord,  harmony,  and  mutual  confidence  wherein  the  two 
people  should  live,  as  good  neighbors,  have  for  that  purpose 
appointed  their  respective  plenipotentiaries,  that  is  to  say,  the 
President  of  the  United  States  has  appointed  Nicholas  P.  Trist,  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  the  President  of  the  Mexican 
Republic  has  appointed  Don  Luis  Gonzaga  Cuevas,  Don  Bernardo 
Couto,  and  Don  Miguel  Atristain,  citizens  of  the  said  Republic,  who, 
after  a  reciprocal  communication  of  their  respective  full  powers, 
have,  under  the  protection  of  Almighty  God,  the  author  of  peace, 
arranged,  agreed  upon,  and  signed  the  following 

"  Treaty  of  Peace,  Friendship,  Limits,  and  Settlement,  between  the  United 
States  of  America  and  the.  Mexican  Republic. 

"  ART.  I.  There  shall  be  firm  and  universal  peace  between  the 
United  States  of  America  and  the  Mexican  republic,  and  between 
their  respective  countries,  territories,  cities,  towns,  and  people, 
without  exception  of  places  or  persons. 

"  ART.  II.  Immediately  upon  the  signature  of  this  treaty,  a  con 
vention  shall  be  entered  into  between  a  commissioner  or  commis 
sioners  appointed  by  the  general-in-chief  of  the  forces  of  the  United 
States,  and  such  as  may  be  appointed  by  the  Mexican  government, 
to  the  end  that  a  provisional  suspension  of  hostilities  shall  take 
place,  and  that,  in  the  places  occupied  by  the  said  forces,  constitu 
tional  order  may  be  reestablished,  as  regards  the  political,  adminis 
trative,  and  judicial  branches,  so  far  as  this  shall  be  permitted  by  the 
circumstances  of  military  occupation. 

"ART.  III.  Immediately  upon  the  ratification  of  the  present 
treaty  by  the  government  of  the  United  States,  orders  shall  be 
transmitted  to  the  commanders  of  their  land  and  naval  forces, 
requiring  the  latter  (provided  this  treaty  shall  then  have  been  ratified 
by  the  government  of  the  Mexican  republic,  and  the  ratifications 
exchanged)  immediately  to  desist  from  blockading  any  Mexican 
ports  ;  and  requiring  the  former  (under  the  same  condition)  to  com 
mence,  at  the  earliest  moment  practicable,  withdrawing  all  troops 
of  the  United  States  then  in  the  interior  of  the  Mexican  republic, 
to  the  points  that  shall  be  selected  by  common  agreement,  at  a 
distance  from  the  seaports  not  exceeding  thirty  leagues ;  and  such 


288  APPENDIX, 

evacuation  of  the  interior  of  the  republic  shall  be  completed  with 
the  least  possible  delay  ;  the  Mexican  government  hereby  binding1 
itself  to  afford  every  facility  in  its  power  for  rendering  the  same 
convenient  to  the  troops,  on  their  march  and  in  their  new  positions, 
and  for  promoting  a  good  understanding  between  them  and  the 
inhabitants.  In  like  manner,  orders  shall  be  despatched  to  the 
persons  in  charge  of  the  custom-houses  at  all  ports  occupied  by  the 
forces  of  the  United  States,  requiring  them  (under  the  same  con 
dition)  immediately  to  deliver  possession  of  the  same  to  the  persons 
authorized  by  the  Mexican  government  to  receive  it,  together  with 
all  bonds  and  evidences  of  debts  for  duties  on  importations  and  on 
exportations,  not  yet  fallen  due.  Moreover,  a  faithful  and  exact 
account  shall  be  made  out,  showing  the  entire  amount  of  all  duties 
on  imports  and  on  exports,  collected  at  such  custom-houses,  or 
elsewhere  in  Mexico,  by  authority  of  the  United  States,  from  and 
after  the  day  of  the  ratification  of  this  treaty  by  the  government  of 
the  Mexican  republic  ;  and  also  on  account  of  the  cost  of  collection  ; 
and  such  entire  amount,  deducting  only  the  cost  of  collection,  shall 
be  delivered  to  the  Mexican  government,  at  the  city  of  Mexico, 
within  three  months  after  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications. 

"  The  evacuation  of  the  capital  of  the  Mexican  republic  by  the 
troops  of  the  United  States,  in  virtue  of  the  above  stipulations, 
shall  be  completed  in  one  month  after  the  orders  there  stipulated  for 
shall  have  been  received  by  the  commander  of  said  troops,  or  sooner 
if  possible. 

"ART.  IV.  Immediately  after  the  exchange  of  ratifications  of 
the  present  treaty,  all  castles,  forts,  territories,  places,  and  posses 
sions  which  have  been  taken  or  occupied  by  the  forces  of  the  United 
States  during  the  present  war,  within  the  limits  of  the  Mexican 
republic,  as  about  to  established  by  the  following  article,  shall  be 
definitively  restored  to  the  said  republic,  together  with  all  the  artil 
lery,  arms,  apparatus  of  war,  munitions,  and  other  public  property, 
which  were  in  the  said  castles  and  forts  when  captured,  and  which 
shall  remain  there  at  the  time  when  this  treaty  shall  be  duly  ratified 
by  the  government  of  the  Mexican  republic.  To  this  end,  immedi 
ately  upon  the  signature  of  this  treaty,  orders  shall  be  despatched 
to  the  American  officers  commanding  such  castles  and  forts,  secur 
ing  against  the  removal  or  destruction  of  any  such  artillery,  arms, 
apparatus  of  war,  munitions,  or  other  public  property.  The  city  of 
Mexico,  within  the  inner  line  of  intrenchments  surrounding  the 


APPENDIX.  289 

said  city,  is  comprehended  in  the  above  stipulations,  as  regards  the 
restoration  of  artillery,  apparatus  of  war,  &c. 

"The  final  evacuation  of  the  territory  of  the  Mexican  republic,  by 
the  forces  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  completed  in  three  months 
from  the  said  exchange  of  ratifications,  or  sooner  if  possible  ;  the 
Mexican  government  hereby  engaging,  as  in  the  foregoing  article, 
to  use  all  means  in  its  power  for  facilitating  such  evacuation,  and 
rendering  it  convenient  to  the  troops,  and  for  promoting  a  good 
understanding  between  them  and  the  inhabitants. 

"  If,  however,  the  ratification  of  this  treaty  by  both  parties  should 
not  take  place  in  time  to  allow  the  embarkation  of  the  troops  of  the 
United  States  to  be  completed  before  the  commencement  of  the 
sickly  season  at  the  Mexican  ports  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  in  such 
case  a  friendly  arrangement  shall  be  entered  into  between  the  gen- 
eral-in-chief  of  the  said  troops  and  the  Mexican  government, 
whereby  healthy  and  otherwise  suitable  places,  at  a  distance  from 
the  ports  not  exceeding  thirty  leagues,  shall  be  designated  for  the 
residence  of  such  troops  as  may  not  yet  have  embarked,  until  the 
return  of  the  healthy  season.  And  the  space  of  time  here  referred 
to  as  comprehending  the  sickly  season,  shall  be  understood  to 
extend  from  the  first  day  of  May  to  the  first  day  of  November. 

"  All  prisoners  of  war  taken  on  either  side,  on  land  or  on  sea,  shall 
be  restored  as  soon  as  practicable  after  the  exchange  of  ratifications 
of  this  treaty.  It  is  also  agreed  that  if  any  Mexicans  should  now 
be  held  as  captives  by  any  savage  tribe  within  the  limits  of  the 
United  States,  as  about  to  be  established  by  the  following  article,  the 
government  of  the  United  States  will  exact  the  release  of  such  cap 
tive*?,  and  cause  them  to  be  restored  to  their  country. 

"ART.  V.  The  boundary  line  between  the  two  republics  shall 
commence  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  three  leagues  from  land,  oppo 
site  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande,  otherwise  called  Rio  Bravo  del 
Norte,  or  opposite  the  mouth  of  its  deepest  branch,  if  it  should 
have  more  than  one  branch  emptying  directly  into  the  sea;  from 
thence  up  the  middle  of  that  river,  following  the  deepest  channel) 
where  it  has  more  than  one,  to  the  point  where  it  strikes  the  south 
ern  boundary  of  New  Mexico, ;  thence,  westwardly,  along  the  whole 
southern  boundary  of  New  Mexico,  (which  runs  north  of  the  town 
called  Paso,}  to  its  western  termination ;  thence,  northward,  along  the 
western  line  of  New  Mexico,  until  it  intersects  the  first  branch  of 
the  River  Gila;  (or  if  it  should  not  intersect  any  branch  of  that  river, 
25 


290  APPENDIX. 

then  to  the  point  on  the  said  line  nearest  to  such  branch,  and  thence 
in  a  direct  line  to  the  same ;)  thence  down  the  middle  of  the  said 
branch  and  of  the  said  river,  until  it  empties  into  the  Rio  Colorado  ; 
thence  across  the  Rio  Colorado,  following  the  division  line  between 
Upper  and  Lower  California,  to  the  Pacific  ocean. 

"  The  southern  and  western  limits  of  New  Mexico,  mentioned  in 
this  article,  are  those  laid  down  in  the  map  entitled,  '  Map  of  thu 
United  Mexican  States,  as  organized  and  defined  by  various  acts  of  tJut 
Congress  of  said  republic,  and  constructed  according  to  the  best  author 
ities.  Revised  edition.  Published  at  New  York,  in  1847,  by  J.  Distur- 
nelV  Of  which  map  a  copy  is  added  to  this  treaty,  bearing  the 
signatures  and  seals  of  the  undersigned  plenipotentiaries.  And, 
in  order  to  preclude  all  difficulty  in  tracing  upon  the  ground  the 
limit  separating  Upper  from  Lower  California,  it  is  agreed  that  the 
said  limit  shall  consist  of  a  straight  line  drawn  from  the  middle  of 
the  Rio  Gila,  where  it  unites  with  the  Colorado,  to  a  point  on  the 
coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean,  distant  one  marine  league  due  south  of 
the  southernmost  point  of  the  port  of  San  Diego,  according  to  the 
plan  of  said  port,  made  in  the  year  1782,  by  Don  Juan  Pantoja, 
second  sailing-master  of  the  Spanish  fleet  and  published  at  Madrid, 
in  the  year  1802,  in  the  atlas  to  the  voyage  of  the  schooners  Sutil 
and  Mexicana,  of  which  plan  a  copy  is  hereunto  added,  signed 
and  sealed  by  the  respective  plenipotentiaries. 

"  In  order  to  designate  the  boundary  line  with  due  precision,  upon 
authoritative  maps,  and  to  establish  upon  the  ground  landmarks  which 
shall  show  the  limits  of  both  republics,  as  described  in  the  present 
article,  the  two  governments  shall  each  appoint  a  commissioner  and 
a  surveyor,  who,  before  the  expiration  of  one  year  from  the  date  of 
the  exchange  of  ratifications  of  this  treaty,  shall  meet  at  the  port 
of  San  Diego,  and  proceed  to  run  and  mark  the  said  boundary  in 
its  whole  course  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte.  They 
shall  keep  journals  and  make  out  plans  of  their  operations,  and  the 
result  agreed  upon  by  them  shall  be  deemed  a  part  of  this  treaty, 
and  shall  have  the  same  force  as  if  it  were  inserted  therein.  The 
two  governments  will  amicably  agree  regarding  what  may  be 
necessary  to  these  persons,  and  also  as  to  their  respective  escorts, 
should  such  be  necessary. 

"  The  boundary  line  established  by  this  article  shall  be  religiously 
respected  by  each  of  the  two  republics,  and  no  change  shall  ever 
be  made  therein,  except  by  the  express  and  free  consent  of  both 
nations,  lawfully  given  by  the,  general  government  of  each,  in  con 
formity  with  its  own  constitution. 


APPENDIX.  291 

"  ART.  VI.  The  vessels  and  citizens  of  the  United  States  shall, 
in  all  time,  have  a  free  and  uninterrupted  passage  by  the  Gulf  of 
California,  and  by  the  River  Colorado  below  its  confluence  with  the 
Gila,  to  and  from  their  possessions  situated  north  of  the  boundary 
line  defined  in  the  preceding  article ;  it  being  understood  that  this 
passage  is  to  be  by  navigating  the  Gulf  of  California  and  the  River 
Colorado,  and  not  by  land,  without  the  express  consemt  of  the  Mex 
ican  government. 

"  If,  by  the  examinations  which  may  be  made,  it  should  be  ascer 
tained  to  be  practicable  and  advantageous  to  construct  a  road,  canal, 
or  railway,  which  should  in  whole  or  in  part,  run  upon  the  River  Gila, 
or  upon  its  right  or  its  left  bank,  within  the  space  of  one  marine 
league  from  either  margin  of  the  river,  the  governments  of  both  repub 
lics  will  form  an  agreement  regarding  its  construction,  in  order  that 
it  may  serve  equally  for  the  use  and  advantage  of  both  countries. 

"  ART.  VII.  The  River  Gila,  and  the  part  of  the  Rio  Bravo  del 
Norte.  lying  below  the  southern  boundary  of  New  Mexico,  being, 
agreeably  to  the  fifth  article,  divided  in  the  middle  between  the  two 
republics,  the  navigation  of  the  Gila  and  of  the  Bravo  below  said 
boundary,  shall  be  free  and  common  to  the  vessels  and  citizens  of 
both  countries  ;  and  neither  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  other, 
construct  any  work  that  may  impede  or  interrupt,  in  whole  or  in 
part,  the  exercise  of  this  right ;  not  even  for  the  purpose  of  favoring 
new  methods  of  navigation.  Nor  shall  any  tax  or  contribution, 
under  any  denomination  or  title,  be  levied  upon  vessels  or  per 
sons  navigating  the  same,  or  upon  merchandise  or  effects  transport 
ed  thereon,  except  in  the  case  of  landing  upon  one  of  their  shores. 
If,  for  the  purpose  of  making  said  rivers  navigable,  or  for  maintain 
ing  them  in  such  a  state,  it  should  be  necessary  or  advantageous  to 
establish  any  tax  or  contribution,  this  shall  not  be  done  without  the 
consent  of  both  governments. 

"The  stipulations  contained  in  the  present  article  shall  not 
impair  the  territorial  rights  of  either  republic  within  its  established 
limits. 

"  ART.  VIII.  Mexicans  now  established  in  territories  previously 
belonging  to  Mexico,  and  which  remain  for  the  future  within  the 
limits  of  the  United  States,  as  defined  by  the  present  treaty,  shall 
be  free  to  continue  where  they  now  reside,  or  to  remove  at  any 


292  APPENDIX. 

time  to  the  Mexican  republic,  retaining  the  property  which  they 
possess  in  the  said  territories,  or  disposing  thereof,  and  removing 
the  proceeds  wherever  they  please,  without  their  being  subjected, 
on  this  account,  to  any  contribution,  tax,  or  charge  whatever. 

"  Those  who  shall  prefer  to  remain  in  the  said  territories,  may 
either  retain  the  title  and  rights  of  Mexican  citizens,  or  acquire  those 
of  citizens  of  the  United  States.  But  they  shall  be  under  the  obli 
gation  to  make  their  election  within  one  year  from  the  date  of  the 
exchange  of  ratifications  of  this  treaty ;  and  those  who  shall  remain 
in  the  said  territories  after  the  expiration  of  that  year,  without 
having  declared  their  intention  to  retain  the  character  of  Mexicans, 
shall  be  considered  to  have  elected  to  become  citizens  of  the  Uni 
ted  States. 

"In  the  said  territories,  property  of  every  kind,  now  belonging 
to  Mexicans  not  established  there,  shall  be  inviolably  respected. 
The  present  owners,  the  heirs  of  these,  and  all  Mexicans  who  may 
hereafter  acquire  said  property  by  contract,  shall  enjoy  with  respect 
*o  it  guaranties  equally  ample  as  if  the  same  belonged  to  citizens 
of  the  United  States. 

"  ART.  IX.  The  Mexicans  who,  in  the  territories  aforesaid,  shall 
not  preserve  the  character  of  citizens  of  the  Mexican  republic,  con 
formably  with  what  is  stipulated  in  the  preceding  article,  shall  be 
incorporated  into  the  Union  of  the  United  States,  and  be  admitted 
at  the  proper  time  (to  be  judged  of  by  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States)  to  the  enjoyment  of  all  the  rights  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  according  to  the  principles  of  the  constitution ;  and  in  the 
mean  time  shall  be  maintained  and  protected  in  the  free  enjoyment 
of  their  liberty  and  property,  and  secured  in  the  free  exercise  of 
their  religion  without  restriction. 

"  ART.  X.     [Stricken  out.] 

"  ART.  XL  Considering  that  a  great  part  of  the  territories,  which, 
by  the  present  treaty,  are  to  be  comprehended  for  the  future  within 
the  limits  of  the  United  States,  is  now  occupied  by  savage  tribes, 
who  will  hereafter  be  under  the  exclusive  control  of  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States,  and  whose  incursions  within  the  terri 
tory  of  Mexico,  would  be  prejudicial  in  the  extreme,  it  is  solemnly 
agreed  that  all  such  incursions  shall  be  forcibly  restrained  by  the 


APPENDIX.  293 

government  of  the  United  States,  whensoever  this  may  be  necessa 
ry  ;  and  that  when  they  cannot  be  prevented,  they  shall  be  punished 
by  the  said  government,  and  satisfaction  for  the  same  shall  be 
exacted — all  in  the  same  way,  and  with  equal  diligence  and  ener 
gy,  as  if  the  same  incursions  were  meditated  or  committed  within 
its  own  territory,  against  its  own  citizens. 

"  It  shall  not  be  lawful,  under  any  pretext  whatever,  for  any 
inhabitant  of  the  United  States  to  purchase  or  acquire  any  Mexi 
can,  or  any  foreigner  residing  in  Mexico,  who  may  have  been  cap 
tured  by  Indians  inhabiting  the  territory  of  either  of  the  two  repub 
lics,  nor  to  purchase  or  acquire  horses,  mules,  cattle,  or  property  of 
any  kind,  stolen  within  Mexican  territory  by  such  Indians. 

"  And  in  the  event  of  any  person  or  persons,  captured  within 
Mexican  territory  by  Indians,  being  carried  into  the  territory  of  the 
United  States,  the  government  of  the  latter  engages  and  binds  itself 
in  the  most  solemn  manner,  so  soon  as  it  shall  know  of  such  cap 
tives  being  within  its  territory,  and  shall  be  able  so  to  do,  through 
the  faithful  exercise  of  its  influence  and  power,  to  rescue  them  and 
return  them  to  their  country,  or  deliver  them  to  the  agent  or  repre 
sentative  of  the  Mexican  government.  The  Mexican  authorities 
will,  as  far  as  practicable,  give  to  the  government  of  the  United 
States  notice  of  such  captures  ;  and  its  agent  shall  pay  the  expenses 
incurred  in  the  maintenance  and  transmission  of  the  rescued  cap 
tives  ;  who,  in  the  mean  time,  shall  be  treated  with  the  utmost  hos 
pitality  by  the  American  authorities  at  the  place  where  they  may 
be.  But  if  the  government  of  the  United  States,  before  receiving 
such  notice  from  Mexico,  should  obtain  intelligence,  through  any 
other  channel,  of  the  existence  of  Mexican  captives  within  its  terri 
tory,  it  will  proceed  forthwith  to  effect  their  release  and  delivery  to 
the  Mexican  agent  as  above  stipulated. 

"  For  the  purpose  of  giving  to  these  stipulations  the  fullest  possi 
ble  efficacy,  thereby  affording  the  security  and  redress  demanded 
by  their  true  spirit  and  intent,  the  government  of  the  United  States 
will  now  and  hereafter  pass,  without  unnecessary  delay,  and  always 
vigilantly  enforce,  such  laws  as  the  nature  of  the  subject  may 
require.  And  finally,  the  sacredness  of  this  obligation  shall  never 
be  lost  sight  of  by  the  said  government,  when  providing  for  the 
removal  of  the  Indians  from  any  portion  of  the  said  territories,  or  for 
its  being  settled  by  citizens  of  the  United  States  ;  but,  on  the  con 
trary,  special  care  shall  be  taken  not  to  place  its  Indian  occupants 
25* 


294  APPENDIX. 

under  the  necessity  of  seeking  new  homes,  by  committing  those 
invasions  which  the  United  States  have  solemnly  obliged  them 
selves  to  restrain. 

"  ART.  XII.  In  consideration  of  the  extension  acquired  by  the 
boundaries  of  the  United  States,  as  defined  in  the  fifth  article  of  the 
present  treaty,  the  government  of  the  United  States  engages  to 
pay  to  that  of  the  Mexican  republic,  the  sum  of  fifteen  millions  of 
dollars. 

"  Immediately  after  this  treaty  shall  have  been  duly  ratified  by 
the  government  of  the  Mexican  republic,  the  sum  of  three  millions 
of  dollars  shall  be  paid  to  the  said  government  by  that  of  the  Uni 
ted  States,  at  the  city  of  Mexico,  in  the  gold  or  silver  coin  of  Mex 
ico.  The  remaining  twelve  millions  of  dollars  shall  be  paid  at  the 
same  place,  and  in  the  same  coin,  in  annual  instalments  of  three 
millions  of  dollars  each,  together  with  interest  on  the  same  at  the 
rate  of  six  per  centum  per  annum.  This  interest  shall  begin  to  run 
upon  the  whole  sum  of  twelve  millions  from  the  day  of  the  ratifica 
tion  of  the  present  treaty  by  the  Mexican  government,  and  the  first 
of  the  instalments  shall  be  paid  at  the  expiration  of  one  year  from 
the  same  day.  Together  with  each  annual  instalment,  as  it  falls 
due,  the  whole  interest  accruing  on  such  instalment  from  the  begin 
ning  shall  also  be  paid. 

"  ART.  XIII.  The  United  States  engage,  moreover,  to  assume  and 
pay  to  the  claimants  all  the  amounts  now  due  them,  and  those  here 
after  to  become  due,  by  reason  of  the  claims  already  liquidated  and 
decided  against  the  Mexican  republic,  under  the  conventions 
between  the  two  republics  severally  concluded  on  the  eleventh 
day  of  April,  eighteen  hundred  and  thirty-nine,  and  on  the  thirtieth 
day  of  January,  eighteen  hundred  and  forty-three  ;  so  that  the  Mex 
ican  republic  shall  be  absolutely  exempt,  for  the  future,  from  all 
expense  whatever  on  account  of  the  said  claims. 

"  ART.  XIV.  The  United  States  do  furthermore  discharge  the 
Mexican  republic  from  all  claims  of  citizens  of  the  United  States,  not 
heretofore  decided  against  the  Mexican  government,  which  may 
have  arisen  previously  to  the  date  of  the  signature  of  this  treaty ; 
which  discharge  shall  be  final  and  perpetual,  whether  the  said 
claims  be  rejected  or  be  allowed  by  the  board  of  commissioners  pro- 


APPENDIX.  295 

vided  for  in  the  following  article,  and  whatever  shall  be  the  total 
amount  of  those  allowed. 

"  ART.  XV.  The  United  States,  exonerating  Mexico  from  all 
demands  on  account  of  the  claims  of  their  citizens  mentioned  in  the 
preceding  article,  and  considering  them  entirely  and  forever  can 
celled,  whatever  their  amount  may  be,  undertake  to  make  satisfaction 
for  the  same,  to  an  amount  not  exceeding  three  and  one  quarter 
millions  of  dollars.  To  ascertain  the  validity  and  amount  of  those 
claims,  a  board  of  commissioners  shall  be  established  by  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States,  Avhose  awards  shall  be  final  and  con 
clusive  :  provided,  that,  in  deciding  upon  the  validity  of  each  claim, 
the  board  shall  be  guided  and  governed  by  the  principles  and  rules 
of  decision  prescribed  by  the  first  and  fifth  articles  of  the  unrati- 
fied  convention,  concluded  at  the  city  of  Mexico  on  the  twentieth 
day  of  November,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty-three,  and 
in  no  case  shall  an  award  be  made  in  favor  of  any  claim  not  em 
braced  by  these  principles  and  rules.' 

"  If,  in  the  opinion  of  the  said  board  of  commissioners,  or  of  the 
claimants,  any  books,  records,  or  documents  in  the  possession  or 
power  of  the  government  of  the  Mexican  republic,  shall  be  deemed 
necessary  to  the  just  decision  of  any  claim,  the  commissioners,  or 
the  claimants  through  them,  shall,  within  such  period  as  Con 
gress  may  designate,  make  an  application  in  writing  for  the 
same,  addressed  to  the  Mexican  minister  for  foreign  affairs,  to 
be  transmitted  by  the  secretary  of  state  of  the  United  States; 
and  the  Mexican  government  engages,  at  the  earliest  possi 
ble  moment  after  the  receipt  of  such  demand,  to  cause  any  of  the 
books,  records,  or  documents,  so  specified,  which  shall  be  in  their 
possession  or  power,  (or  authenticated  copies  or  extracts  of  the 
same,)  to.be  transmitted  to  the  said  secretary  of  state,  who  shall 
immediately  deliver  them  over  to  the  said  board  of  commissioners  : 
Provided,  That  no  such  application  shall  be  made  by,  or  at  the 
instance  of  any  claimant,  until  the  facts,  which  it  is  expected  to 
prove  by  sucli  books,  records,  or  documents,  shall  have  been 
stated  under  oath  or  affirmation. 

"  ART.  XVI.  Each  of  the  contracting  parties  reserves  to  itself 
the  entire  right  to  fortify  whatever  point  within  its  territory  it  may 
judge  proper  so  to  fortify,  for  its  security. 


296  APPENDIX. 

"  ART.  XVII.  The  treaty  of  amity,  commerce,  and  navigation, 
concluded  at  the  city  Mexico  on  the  fifth  day  of  April,  A.  D. 
1831,  between  the  United  States  of  America  and  the  United 
Mexican  States,  except  the  additional  article,  and  except  so  far 
as  the  stipulations  of  the  said  treaty  may  be  incompatible  with  any 
stipulation  contained  in  the  present  treaty,  is  hereby  revived  for  the 
period  of  eight  years  from  the  day  of  the  exchange  of  ratifications  of 
this  treaty,  with  the  same  force  and  virtue  as  if  incorporated  therein ; 
it  being  understood  that  each  of  the  contracting  parties  reserves  to 
itself  the  right,  at  any  time  after  the  said  period  of  eight  years  shall 
have  expired,  to  terminate  the  same  by  giving  one  year's  notice  of 
such  intention  to  the  other  party. 

"  ART.  XVIII.  All  supplies  whatever  for  troops  of  the  United 
States  in  Mexico,  arriving  at  ports  in  the  occupation  of  such  troops 
previous  to  the  final  evacuation  thereof,  although  subsequently  to 
the  restoration  of  the  custom-houses  at  such  ports,  shall  be  entirely 
exempt  from  duties  and  charges  of  any  kind ;  the  government  of  the 
United  States  hereby  engaging  and  pledging  its  faith  to  establish, 
and  vigilantly  to  enforce,  all  possible  guards  for  securing  the  reve 
nue  of  Mexico,  by  preventing  the  importation,  under  cover  of  this 
stipulation,  of  any  articles  other  than  such,  both  in  kind  and  in 
quantity,  as  shall  really  be  wanted  for  the  use  and  consumption  of  the 
forces  of  the  United  States  during  the  time  they  may  remain  in  Mex 
ico.  To  this  end,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  all  officers  and  agents  of  thft 
United  States  to  denounce  to  the  Mexican  authorities  at  the  respec 
tive  ports  any  attempt  at  a  fraudulent  abuse  of  this  stipulation  which 
they  may  know  of,  or  may  have  reason  to  suspect,  and  to  give  to 
such  authorities  all  the  aid  in  their  power  with  regard  thereto ;  and 
every  such  attempt,  when  duly  proved  and  established  by  sentence 
of  a  competent  tribunal,  shall  be  punished  by  the  confiscation  of 
the  property  so  attempted  to  be  fraudulently  introduced. 

"  ART.  XIX.  With  respect  to  all  merchandise,  effects  and  prop 
erty  whatsoever,  imported  into  ports  of  Mexico  whilst  in  the  occu 
pation  of  the  forces  of  the  United  States,  whether  by  citizens  of 
either  republic,  or  by  citizens  or  subjects  of  any  neutral  nation,  the 
following  rules  shall  be  observed  :  — 

"  1.  All  such  merchandise,  effects,  and  property,  if  imported 
previously  to  the  restoration  of  the  custom-houses  to  the  Mexican 


APPENDIX.  297 

authorities,  as  stipulated  for  in  the  third  article  of  this  treaty,  shall 
be  exempt  from  confiscation,  although  the  importation  of  the  same 
be  prohibited  by  the  Mexican  tariff. 

"  2.  The  same  perfect  exemption  shall  be  enjoyed  by  all  such 
merchandise,  effects,  and  property,  imported  subsequently  to  the 
restoration  of  the  custom-houses,  and  previously  to  the  sixty  days 
fixed  in  the  following  article  for  the  coming  into  force  of  the  Mexican 
tariff  at  such  ports  respectively ;  the  said  merchandise,  effects,  and 
property  being,  however,  at  the  time  of  their  importation,  subject 
to  the  payment  of  duties,  as  provided  for  in  the  said  following 
article. 

"  3.  All  merchandise,  effects,  and  property  described  in  the  two 
rules  foregoing  shall,  during  their  continuance  at  the  place  of 
importation,  and  upon  their  leaving  such  place  for  the  interior,  be 
exempt  from  all  duty,  tax,  or  impost  of  every  kind,  under  whatsoever 
title  or  denomination.  Nor  shall  they  be  there  subjected  to  any 
charge  whatsoever  upon  the  sale  thereof. 

"4.  All  merchandise,  effects,  and  property,  described  in  the  first 
and  second  rules,  which  shall  have  been  removed  to  any  place  in 
the  interior  whilst  such  place  was  in  the  occupation  of  the  forces  of 
the  United  States,  shall,  during  their  continuance  therein,  be  exempt 
from  all  tax  upon  the  sale  or  consumption  thereof,  and  from  every 
kind  of  impost  or  contribution,  under  whatsoever  title  or  denomi 
nation. 

"5.  But  if  any  merchandise,  effects,  or  property,  described  in 
the  first  and  second  rules,  shall  be  removed  to  any  place  not  occu 
pied  at  the  time  by  the  forces  of  the  United  States,  they  shall,  upon 
their  introduction  into  such  place,  or  upon  their  sale  or  consumption 
there,  be  subject  to  the  same  duties  which,  under  the  Mexican  laws, 
they  would  be  required  to  pay  in  such  cases  if  they  had  been 
imported  in  time  of  peace,  through  the  maritime  custom-houses, 
and  had  there  paid  the  duties  conformably  with  the  Mexican 
tariff. 

"  6.  The  owner  of  all  merchandise,  effects,  or  property  described 
in  the  first  and  second  rules,  and  existing  in  any  port  of  Mexico, 
shall  have  the  right  to  reship  the  same,  exempt  from  all  tax,  impost, 
or  contribution  whatever. 

"  With  respect  to  the  metals,  or  other  property,  exported  from  any 
Mexican  port  whilst  in  the  occupation  of  the  forces  of  the  United 
States,  and  previously  to  the  restoration  of  the  custom-house  at  such 


298  APPENDIX. 

port,  no  person  shall  be  required  by  the  Mexican  authorities,  whether 
general  or  State,  to  pay  any  tax,  duty,  or  contribution  upon  any  such 
exportation,  or  in  any  manner  to  account  for  the  same  to  the  said 
authorities. 

"  ART.  XX.  Through  consideration  for  the  interests  of  commerce 
generally,  it  is  agreed,  that  if  less  than  sixty  days  should  elapse 
between  the  date  of  the  signature  of  this  treaty  and  the  restoration 
of  the  custom-houses,  conformably  with  the  stipulation  in  the  third 
article,  in  such  case  all  merchandise,  effects,  and  property  what 
soever,  arriving  at  the  Mexican  ports  after  the  restoration  of  the 
said  custom-houses,  and  previously  to  the  expiration  of  sixty  days 
after  the  day  of  the  signature  of  this  treaty,  shall  be  admitted  to 
entry ;  and  no  other  duties  shall  be  levied  thereon  than  the  duties 
established  by  the  tariff  found  in  force  at  such  custom-houses  at 
the  time  of  the  restoration  of  the  same.  And  to  all  such  merchan 
dise,  effects,  and  property,  the  rules  established  by  the  preceding 
article  shall  apply. 

"  ART.  XXI.  If  unhappily  any  disagreement  should  hereafter 
arise  between  the  governments  of  the  two  republics,  whether  with 
respect  to  the  interpretation  of  any  stipulation  in  this  treaty,  or 
with  respect  to  any  other  particular  concerning  the  political  or  com 
mercial  relations  of  the  two  nations,  the  said  government,  in  the 
name  of  those  nations,  do  promise  to  each  other  that  they  will 
endeavor,  in  the  most  sincere  and  earnest  manner,  to  settle  the 
differences  so  arising,  and  to  preserve  the  state  of  peace  and  friend 
ship  in  which  the  two  countries  are  now  placing  themselves ;  using, 
for  this  end,  mutual  representations  and  pacific  negotiations.  And 
if,  by  these  means,  they  should  not  be  enabled  to  come  to  an  agree 
ment,  a  resort  shall  not,  on  this  account,  be  had  to  reprisals,  aggres 
sion,  or  hostility  of  any  kind,  by  the  one  republic  against  the  other, 
until  the  government  of  that  which  deems  itself  aggrieved  shall 
have  maturely  considered,  in  the  spirit  of  peace  and  good  neigh 
borship,  whether  it  would  not  be  better  that  such  difference  should 
be  settled  by  the  arbitration  of  commissioners  appointed  on  each 
side,  or  by  that  of  a  friendly  nation.  And  should  such  course  be 
proposed  by  either  party,  it  shall  be  acceded  to  by  the  other,  unless 
deemed  by  it  altogether  incompatible  with  the  nature  of  the  differ 
ence,  or  the  circumstances  of  the  case. 


APPENDIX.  299 

"  ART.  XXII.  If  (which  is  not  to  be  expected,  and  which  God 
forbid !)  war  should  unhappily  break  out  between  the  two  republics, 
they  do  now,  with  a  view  to  such  calamity,  solemnly  pledge  them 
selves  to  each  other  and  to  the  world,  to  observe  the  following  rules : 
absolutely  where  the  nature  of  the  subject  permits,  and  as  closely 
as  possible  in  all  cases  where  such  absolute  observance  shall  be 
impossible :  — 

"  1.  The  merchants  of  either  republic  then  residing  in  the  other 
shall  be  allowed  to  remain  twelve  months,  (for  those  dwelling  in  the 
interior,)  and  six  months,  (for  those  dwelling  at  the  seaports,)  to 
collect  their  debts  and  settle  their  affairs,  during  which  periods  they 
shall  enjoy  the  same  protection,  and  be  on  the  same  footing,  in  all 
respects,  as  the  citizens  or  subjects  of  the  most  friendly  nations  ;  and 
at  the  expiration  thereof,  or  any  time  before,  they  shall  have  full 
liberty  to  depart,  carrying  off  all  their  effects  without  molestation 
or  hinderance;  conforming  therein  to  the  same  laws  which  the 
citizens  or  subjects  of  the  most  friendly  nations  are  required  to  con 
form  to.  Upon  the  entrance  of  the  armies  of  either  nation  into  the 
territories  of  the  other,  women  and  children,  ecclesiastics,  scholars 
of  every  faculty,  cultivators  of  the  earth,  merchants,  artisans,  manu 
facturers,  and  fishermen,  unarmed  and  inhabiting  unfortified  towns, 
villages,  or  places,  and  in  general  all  persons  whose  occupations  are 
for  the  common  subsistence  and  benefit  of  mankind,  shall  be  allowed 
to  continue  their  respective  employments  unmolested  in  their  per 
sons.  Nor  shall  their  houses  or  goods  be  burnt  or  otherwise 
destroyed,  nor  their  cattle  taken,  nor  their  fields  wasted,  by  the 
armed  force  into  whose  power,  by  the  events  of  war,  they  may 
happen  to  fall ;  but  if  the  necessity  arise  to  take  any  thing  from 
them  for  the  use  of  such  armed  force,  the  same  shall  be  paid  for  at 
an  equitable  price.  All  churches,  hospitals,  schools,  colleges,  libra 
ries,  and  other  establishments  for  charitable  and  beneficent  purposes, 
shall  be  respected,  and  all  persons  connected  with  the  same  pro 
tected  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties,  and  the  pursuit  of  their 
vocations. 

"  2.  In  order  that  the  fate  of  prisoners  of  war  maybe  alleviated, 
all  such  practices  as  those  of  sending  them  into  distant,  inclement, 
or  unwholesome  districts,  or  crowding  them  into  close  and  noxious 
places,  shall  be  studiously  avoided.  They  shall  not  be  confined  in 
dungeons,  prison-ships,  or  prisons  ;  nor  be  put  in  irons,  or  bound,  or 
otherwise  restrained  in  the  use  of  their  limbs.  The  officers  shall 


300 

enjoy  liberty  on  their  paroles,  within  convenient  districts,  and  have 
comfortable  quarters ;  and  the  common  soldiers  shall  be  disposed  in 
cantonments,  open  and  extensive  enough  for  air  and  exercise,  and 
lodged  in  barracks  as  roomy  and  good  as  are  provided  by  the  party 
in  whose  power  they  are  for  its  own  troops.  But  if  any  officer  shall 
break  his  parole  by  leaving  the  district  so  assigned  him,  or  any  other 
prisoner  shall  escape  from  the  limits  of  his  cantonment,  after  they 
shall  have  been  designated  to  him,  such  individual,  officer,  or  other 
prisoner,  shall  forfeit  so  much  of  the  benefit  of  this  article  as  pro 
vides  for  his  liberty  on  parole  or  in  cantonment.  And  if  any  officer 
so  breaking  his  parole,  or  any  common  soldier  so  escaping  from  the 
limits  assigned  him,  shall  afterwards  be  found  in  arms,  previously  to 
his  being  regularly  exchanged,  the  person  so  offending  shall  be 
dealt  with  according  to  the  established  laws  of  war.  The  officers 
shall  be  daily  furnished  by  the  party  in  whose  power  they  are  with 
as  many  rations,  and  of  the  same  articles,  as  are  allowed,  either  in 
kind  or  by  commutation,  to  officers  of  equal  rank  in  its  own  army ; 
and  all  others  shall  be  daily  furnished  with  such  ration  as  is  allowed 
to  a  common  soldier  in  its  own  service :  the  value  of  all  which  sup 
plies  shall,  at  the  close  of  the  war,  or  at  periods  to  be  agreed  upon 
between  the  respective  commanders,  be  paid  by  the  other  party,  on 
a  mutual  adjustment  of  accounts  for  subsistence  of  prisoners  ;  and 
such  accounts  shall  not  be  mingled  with  or  set  off  against  any 
others,  nor  the  balance  due  on  them  be  withheld,  as  a  compensation 
or  reprisal  for  any  cause  whatever,  real  or  pretended.  Each  party 
shall  be  allowed  to  keep  a  commissary  of  prisoners,  appointed  by 
itself,  with  every  cantonment  of  prisoners,  in  possession  of  the 
other;  which  commissary  shall  see  the  prisoners  as  often  as  he 
pleases  ;  shall  be  allowed  to  receive,  exempt  from  all  duties  or  taxes, 
and  to  distribute,  whatever  comforts  may  be  sent  to  them  by  their 
friends ;  and  shall  be  free  to  transmit  his  reports  in  open  letters  to 
the  party  by  whom  he  is  employed. 

"  And  it  is  declared  that  neither  the  pretence  that  war  dissolves 
all  treaties,  nor  any  other  whatever,  shall  be  considered  as  annulling 
or  suspending  the  solemn  covenant  contained  in  this  article.  On 
the  contrary,  the  state  of  war  is  precisely  that  for  which  it  is  pro 
vided  ;  and  during  which,  its  stipulations  are  to  be  as  sacredly 
observed  as  the  most  acknowledged  obligations  under  the  law  of 
nature  or  nations. 


APPENDIX.  301 

"  ART.  XXIII.  This  treaty  shall  be  ratified  by  the  president  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent 
of  the  Senate  thereof;  and  by  the  president  of  the  Mexican 
republic,  with  the  previous  approbation  of  its  General  Congress  ; 
and  the  ratifications  shall  be  exchanged  in  the  city  of  Washington, 
or  at  the  seat  of  government  of  Mexico,  in  four  months  from  the 
date  of  the  signature  hereof,  or  sooner,  if  practicable. 

"  In  faith  whereof,  we,  the  respective  plenipotentiaries,  have 
signed  this  treaty  of  peace>  friendship,  limits,  and  settlement ;  and 
have  hereunto  affixed  our  seals  respectively.  Done  in  quintuplicate, 
at  the  city  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  on  the  second  day  of  February, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty-eight. 

"  N.  P.  TRIST,  [L.  s.] 

"LUIS  G.  CUEVAS,  [L.  s.] 
"BERNARDO  COUTO,  [L.  s.] 
"  MIGL.  ATRISTAIN,  [L.  s.] 

"  And  whereas  the  said  treaty,  as  amended,  has  been  duly  ratified 
on  both  parts,  and  the  respective  ratifications  of  the  same  were 
exchanged  at  Queretaro  on  the  thirtieth  day  of  May  last,  by  Ambrose 
H.  Sevier  and  Nathan  Clifford,  commissioners  on  the  part  of  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  and  by  Sefior  Don  Louis  de  la 
Rosa,  minister  of  relations  of  the  Mexican  republic,  on  the  part  of 
that  government 

"Now,  therefore,  be  it  known,  that  I,  JAMES  K.  POLK,  presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  of  America,  have  caused  the  said  treaty 
to  be  made  public,  to  the  end  that  the  same,  and  every  clause  and 
article  thereof,  may  be  observed  and  fulfilled  with  good  faith  by  the 
United  States  and  the  citizens  thereof. 

"  In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused  the 
seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  fourth  day  of 
[s.  L.]  July,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty-eight, 

and  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States  the 
seventy-third. 

"  JAMES  K.  POLK. 
"  By  the  President : 

"  JAMES  BUCHANAN,  Secretary  of  State" 
26 


302  APPENDIX. 


BB. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  message  of  President  Polk, 
July  6,  1848,  accompanying  the  treaty  of  peace :  — 

"  New  Mexico  and  Upper  California  have  been  ceded  by  Mexico 
to  the  United  States,  and  now  constitute  a  part  of  our  country. 
Embracing  nearly  ten  degrees  of  latitude,  lying  adjacent  to  the 
Oregon  Territory,  and  extending  from  the  Pacific  Ocean  to  the  Rio 
Grande,  a  mean  distance  of  nearly  a  thousand  miles,  it  would  be 
difficult  to  estimate  the  value  of  these  possessions  to  the  United 
States.  They  constitute  of  themselves  a  country  large  enough  for 
a  great  empire,  and  their  acquisition  is  second  only  in  importance 
to  that  of  Louisiana  in  1803.  Rich  in  mineral  and  agricultural 
resources,  with  a  climate  of  great  salubrity,  they  embrace  the  most 
important  ports  on  the  whole  Pacific  coast  of  the  continent  of  North 
America.  The  possession  of  the  ports  of  San  Diego  and  Monterey 
and  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco,  will  enable  the  United  States  to 
command  the  already  valuable  and  rapidly  increasing  commerce  of 
the  Pacific.  The  number  of  our  whale  ships  alone  now  employed 
in  that  sea  exceeds  seven  hundred,  requiring  more  than  twenty 
thousand  seamen  to  navigate  them,  while  the  capital  invested  in 
this  particular  branch  of  commerce  is  estimated  at  not  less  than 
forty  millions  of  dollars.  The  excellent  harbors  of  Upper  Califor 
nia  will,  under  our  flag,  afford  security  and  repose  to  our  commer 
cial  marine,  and  American  mechanics  will  soon  furnish  ready  means 
of  ship-building  and  repair,  which  are  now  so  much  wanted  in  that 
distant  sea. 

"  By  the  acquisition  of  these  possessions,  we  are  brought  into 
immediate  proximity  with  the  west  coast  of  America,  from  Cape 
Horn  to  the  Russian  possessions  north  of  Oregon,  with  the  islands 
of  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  by  a  direct  voyage  in  steamers  we  will  be 
in  less  than  thirty  days  of  Canton  and  other  ports  of  China. 

"In  this  vast  region,  whose  rich  resources  are  soon  to  be  devel 
oped  by  American  energy  and  enterprise,  great  must  be  the  aug 
mentation  of  our  commerce,  and  with  it  new  and  profitable  de 
mands  for  mechanic  labor  in  all  its  branches,  and  new  and  valuable 
markets  for  our  manufactures  and  agricultural  products." 


APPENDIX.  303 


cc. 

EXTRACT  FROM  THE  LETTER  OF  ACCEPTANCE 
OF  GENERAL  CASS. 

We  make  the  following  extract  for  the  purpose  of  affording  a 
good  example  to  all  partisans :  — 

"No  party,  gentlemen,  had  ever  higher  motives  for  exertion, 
than  has  the  great  democratic  party  of  the  United  States.  With 
an  abiding  confidence  in  the  rectitude  of  our  principles,  with  an 
unshaken  reliance  upon  the  energy  and  wisdom  of  public  opinion, 
and  with  the  success  which  has  crowned  the  administration  of  the 
government,  when  committed  to  its  keeping,  (and  it  has  been  so 
committed  during  more  than  three  fourths  of  its  existence,)  what 
has  been  done  is  at  once  the  reward  of  past  exertion,  and  the  mo 
tive  for  future,  and,  at  the  same  time,  a  guaranty  for  the  accom 
plishment  of  what  we  have  to  do.  We  cannot  conceal  from  our 
selves  that  there  is  a  powerful  party  in  the  country,  differing  from 
us  in  regard  to  many  of  the  fundamental  principles  of  our  govern 
ment,  and  opposed  to  us  in  their  practical  application,  which  will 
strive  as  zealously  as  we  shall  to  secure  the  ascendency  of  their 
principles,  by  securing  the  election  of  their  candidate  in  the  com 
ing  contest.  That  party  is  composed  of  our  fellow-citizens,  as 
deeply  interested  in  the  prosperity  of  our  common  country  as  we 
can  be,  and  seeking  as  earnestly  as  we  are  to  promote  and  perpet 
uate  it.  We  shall  soon  present  to  the  world  the  sublime  spectacle 
of  the  election  of  a  chief  magistrste  by  twenty  millions  of  people, 
without  a  single  serious  resistance  to  the  laws,  or  the  sacrifice  of 
the  life  of  one  human  being — and  this,  too,  in  the  absence  of  all 
force  but  the  moral  force  of  our  institutions ;  and  if  we  should  add 
to  all  this,  an  example  of  mutual  respect  for  the  motives  of  the 
contending  parties,  so  that  the  contest  might  be  carried  on  with 
that  firmness  and  energy  which  accompany  deep  conviction,  and 
with  as  little  personal  asperity  as  political  divisions  permit,  we 
should  do  more  for  the  great  cause  of  human  freedom  throughout 
the  world,  than  by  any  other  tribute  we  could  render  ta  its  value. 

"  We  have  a  government  founded  by  the  will  of  all,  responsible 
to  the  power  of  all,  and  administered  for  the  good  of  all.  The  very 
first  article  in  the  democratic  creed  teaches  that  the  people  are 
competent  to  govern  themselves  ;  it  is,  indeed,  rather  an  axiom  than 


304  APPENDIX. 

an  article  of  political  faith.  From  the  days  of  General  Hamilton 
to  our  days,  the  party  opposed  to  us,  —  of  whose  principles  he  was 
the  great  exponent,  if  not  the  founder,  —  while  it  has  changed  its 
name,  has  preserved  essentially  its  identity  of  character ;  and  the 
doubt  he  entertained  and  taught  of  the  capacity  of  man  for  self- 
government,  has  exerted  a  marked  influence  upon  its  action  and 
opinions.  Here  is  the  very  starting-point  of  the  difference  between 
the  two  great  parties  which  divide  our  country.  All  other  differ 
ences  are  but  subordinate  and  auxiliary  to  this,  and  may,  in  fact,  be 
resolved  into  it.  Looking  with  doubt  upon  the  issue  of  self-govern 
ment,  one  party  is  prone  to  think  the  public  authority  should  be 
strengthened,  and  to  fear  any  change,  lest  that  change  might  weaken 
the  necessary  force  of  the  government ;  while  the  other,  strong  in 
its  convictions  of  the  intelligence  and  virtue  of  the  people,  believes 
that  original  power  is  safer  than  delegated,  and  that  the  solution  of 
the  great  problem  of  good  government  consists  in  governing  with 
the  least  force,  and  leaving  individual  action  as  free  from  restraint 
as  is  compatible  with  the  preservation  of  the  social  system,  thereby 
securing  to  each  all  the  freedom  which  is  not  essential  to  the  well- 
being  of  the  whole. 

"  As  a  party,  we  ought  not  to  mistake  the  signs  of  the  times ; 
but  should  bear  in  mind  that  this  is  an  age  of  progress  —  of  ad 
vancement  in  all  the  elements  of  intellectual  power,  and  in  the 
opinions  of  the  world.  The  general  government  should  assume  no 
powers.  It  should  exercise  none  which  have  not  been  clearly 
granted  by  the  parties  to  the  federal  compact.  We  ought  to  con 
strue  the  Constitution  strictly,  according  to  the  received  and  sound 
principles  of  the  Jefferson  school.  But  while  rash  experiments 
should  be  deprecated,  if  the  government  is  stationary  in  its  princi 
ples  of  action,  and  refuses  to  accommodate  its  measures  within  its 
constitutional  sphere  —  cautiously,  indeed,  but  wisely  and  cheer 
fully  —  to  the  advancing  sentiments  and  necessities  of  the  age,  it 
will  find  its  moral  force  impaired,  and  the  public  will  determine  to 
do  what  the  public  authority  itself  should  readily  do,  when  the  in 
dications  of  popular  sentiment  are  clear  and  clearly  expressed." 


APPENDIX.  305 

DD. 

BALTIMORE   CONVENTION. 

The  following  are  the  resolutions  of  the  convention  of  the  dem 
ocratic  party,  adopted  at  Baltimore  in  1848 :  —  * 

"  Resolved,  That  the  American  democracy  place  their  trust  in  the 
intelligence,  the  patriotism,  and  the  discriminating  justice  of  the 
American  people. 

^  Resolved,  That  we  regard  this  as  a  distinctive  feature  of  our 
political  creed,  which  we  are  proud  to  maintain  before  the  world, 
as  the  great  moral  element  in  a  form  of  government  springing  from 
and  upheld  by  the  popular  will ;  and  we  contrast  it  with  the  creed 
and  practice  of  federalism,  under  whatever  name  or  form,  which 
seeks  to  palsy  the  will  of  the  constituent,  and  which  conceives  no 
imposture  too  monstrous  for  the  popular  credulity. 

"Resolved,  therefore,  That,  entertaining  these  views,  the  demo 
cratic  party  of  this  Union,  through  their  delegates  assembled  in  a 
general  convention  of  the  States,  coming  together  in  a  spirit  of  con 
cord,  of  devotion  to  the  doctrines  and  faith  of  a  free  representative 
government,  and  appealing  to  their  fellow-citizens  for  the  rectitude 
of  their  intentions,  renew  and  re-assert,  before  the  American  peo 
ple,  the  declarations  of  principles  avowed  by  them  when,  on  a  former 
occasion,  in  general  convention,  they  presented  their  candidates  for 
the  popular  suffrages :  — 

"  1.  That  the  federal  government  is  one  of  limited  powers,  de 
rived  solely  from  the  Constitution,  and  the  grants  of  power  shown 
therein  ought  to  be  strictly  construed  by  all  the  departments  and 
agents  of  the  government ;  and  that  it  is  inexpedient  and  danger 
ous  to  exercise  doubtful  constitutional  powers. 

"  2.  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  upon  the  general  gov 
ernment  the  power  to  commence  and  carry  on  a  general  system  of 
internal  improvements. 

"3.  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  authority  upon  the 
federal  government,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  assume  the  debts  of 
the  several  States,  contracted  for  local  internal  improvements,  or 

*  The  resolutions  adopted  in  1844,  and  re-adopted  in  1848,  were  written 
by  the  Hon.  R.  H.  Gillet,  the  present  able  solicitor  of  the  United  States 
treasury. 

26* 


306  APPENDIX. 

other  State  purposes ;  nor  would  such  assumption  be  just  and  ex 
pedient. 

"  4.  That  justice  and  sound  policy  forbid  the  federal  government 
to  foster  one  branch  of  industry  to  the  detriment  of  another,  or  to 
cherish  the  interests  of  one  portion  to  the  injury  of  another  portion 
of  our  common  country ;  that  every  citizen,  and  every  section  of 
the  country,  has  a  right  to  demand  and  insist  upon  an  equality  of 
rights  and  privileges,  and  to  complete  and  ample  protection  of  per 
sons  and  property  from  domestic  violence  or  foreign  aggression. 

"5.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  branch  of  the  government  to 
enforce  and  practise  the  most  rigid  economy  in  conducting  our  pub 
lic  affairs,  and  that  no  more  revenue  ought  to  be  raised  than  is 
required  to  defray  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  government,  and 
for  the  gradual  but  certain  extinction  of  the  debt  created  by  the 
prosecution  of  a  just  and  necessary  war,  after  peaceful  relations 
shall  have  been  restored. 

"  6.  That  Congress  has  no  power  to  charter  a  national  bank ; 
that  we  believe  such  an  institution  one  of  deadly  hostility  to  the 
best  interests  of  the  country,  dangerous  to  our  republican  institu 
tions  and  the  liberties  of  the  people,  and  calculated  to  place  the 
business  of  the  country  within  the  control  of  a  concentrated  money 
power,  and  above  the  laws  and  the  will  of  the  people  ;  and  that  the 
result  of  democratic  legislation,  in  this  and  all  other  financial  meas 
ures  upon  which  issues  have  been  made  between  the  two  political 
parties  of  the  country,  have  demonstrated  to  candid  and  practical 
men  of  all  parties,  their  soundness,  safety,  and  utility  in  all  business 
pursuits. 

"7.  That  Congress  has  no  power  under  the  Constitution  to  inter 
fere  witli  or  control  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  several  States, 
and  that  such  States  are  the  sole  and  proper  judges  of  every  thing 
appertaining  to  their  own  affairs,  not  prohibited  by  the  Constitution  ; 
that  all  efforts  of  the  abolitionists  or  others,  made  to  induce  Con 
gress  to  interfere  with  the  question  of  slavery,  or  to  take  incipient, 
steps  in  relation  thereto,  are  calculated  to  lead  to  the  most  alarming 
and  dangerous  consequences ;  and  that  all  such  efforts  have  an 
inevitable  tendency  to  diminish  the  happiness  of  the  people,  and 
endanger  the  stability  and  permanency  of  the  Union,  and  ought  not 
to  be  countenanced  by  any  friend  of  our  political  institutions. 

"  8.  That  the  separation  of  the  moneys  of  the  government  from 
banking  institutions  is  indispensable  for  the  safety  of  the  funds  of 
the  government  and  the  rights  of  the  people. 


APPENDIX.  307 

"9.  That  the  liberal  principles  imbodied  by  Jefferson  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  sanctioned  in  the  Constitution, 
which  makes  ours  the  land  of  liberty,  and  the  asylum  of  the  op 
pressed  of  every  nation,  have  ever  been  cardinal  principles  in  the 
democratic  faith ;  and  every  attempt  to  abridge  the  present  privilege 
of  becoming  citizens  and  the  owners  of  soil  among  us,  ought  to  be 
resisted  with  the  same  spirit  which  swept  the  alien  and  sedition 
laws  from  our  statute-books. 

"Resolved,  That  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands  ought  to  be 
sacredly  applied  to  the  national  objects  specified  in  the  Constitution ; 
and  that  we  are  opposed  to  any  law  for  the  distribution  of  such 
proceeds  among  the  States,  as  alike  inexpedient  in  policy  and  re 
pugnant  to  the  Constitution. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  are  decidedly  opposed  to  taking  from  the 
president  the  qualified  veto  power,  by  which  he  is  enabled,  under 
restrictions  and  responsibilities,  amply  sufficient  to  guard  the  public 
interest,  to  suspend  the  passage  of  a  bill  whose  merits  cannot  se 
cure  the  approval  of  two  thirds  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  until  the  judgment  of  the  people  can  be  obtained  thereon, 
and  which  has  saved  the  American  people  from  the  corrupt  and 
tyrannical  domination  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  and  from  a 
corrupting  system  of  general  internal  improvements. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  war  with  Mexico,  provoked  on  her  part  by 
years  of  insult  and  injury,  was  commenced  by  her  army  crossing 
the  Rio  Grande,  attacking  the  American  troops,  and  invading  our 
sister  state  of  Texas  —  and  that  upon  all  the  principles  of  patriot 
ism  and  the  laws  of  nations,  it  is  a  just  and  necessary  war  on  our 
part,  in  which  every  American  citizen  should  have  shown  himself 
on  the  side  of  his  country,  and  neither  morally  nor  physically,  by 
word  or  deed,  have  given  '  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy.' 

"Resolved,  That  we  would  be  rejoiced  at  the  assurances  of  a 
peace  with  Mexico,  founded  on  the  just  principles  of  indemnity  for 
the  past  and  security  for  the  future ;  but  that,  while  the  ratification 
of  the  liberal  treaty  offered  to  Mexico  remains  in  doubt,  it  is  the 
duty  of  the  country  to  sustain  the  administration  in  every  measure 
necessary  to  provide  for  the  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war,  should 
that  treaty  be  rejected. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  officers  and  soldiers  who  have  carried  the 
arms  of  their  country  into  Mexico,  have  crowned  it  with  imperish 
able  glory.  Their  unconquerable  courage,  their  daring  enterprise, 


308  APPENDIX. 

* 

their  unfaltering1  perseverance  and  fortitude  when  assailed  on  all 
sides  by  innumerable  foes,  and  that  more  formidable  enemy  —  the 
diseases  of  the  climate  —  exalt  their  devoted  patriotism  into  the 
highest  heroism,  and  give  them  a  right  to  the  profound  gratitude  of 
their  country  and  the  admiration  of  the  world. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  democratic  national  convention  of  the  thirty 
States  composing  the  American  Republic,  tender  their  fraternal  con 
gratulations  to  the  National  Convention  of  the  Republic  of  France) 
now  assembled  as  the  free  suffrage  representatives  of  the  sove 
reignty  of  thirty-five  millions  of  republicans,  to  establish  govern 
ments  on  those  eternal  principles  of  equal  right,  for  which  tJieir 
LAFAYETTE  and  our  WASHINGTON  fought,  side  by  side,  in  the 
struggle  for  our  own  national  independence ;  and  we  would  espe 
cially  convey  to  them,  and  the  whole  people  of  France,  our  earnest 
wishes  for  the  consolidation  of  their  liberties,  through  the  wisdom 
that  shall  guide  their  councils,  on  the  basis  of  a  democratic  con 
stitution,  not  derived  from  the  grants  or  concessions  of  kings  or 
dynasties,  but  originating  from  the  only  true  source  of  political 
power  recognized  in  the  States  of  this  Union  —  the  inherent  and  in 
alienable  right  of  the  people,  in  their  sovereign  capacity,  to  make 
and  to  amend  their  forms  of  government  in  such  manner  as  the 
welfare  of  the  community  may  require. 

"  Resolved,  That  in  the  recent  development  of  this  grand  politi 
cal  truth,  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  and  their  capacity  and 
power  of  self-government,  which  is  prostrating  thrones  and  erecting 
republics  on  the  ruins  of  despotism  in  the  Old  World,  we  feel  that  a 
high  and  sacred  duty  is  devolved  with  increased  responsibility  upon 
the  democratic  party  of  this  country,  as  the  party  of  the  people, 
to  sustain  and  advance  among  us  constitutional  liberty,  equality,  and 
fraternity,  by  continuing  to  resist  all  monopolies  and  exclusive 
legislation  for  the  benefit  of  the  few  a.t  the  expense  of  the  many, 
and  by  a  vigilant  and  constant  adherence  to  those  principles  and 
compromises  of  the  Constitution  which  are  broad  enough  and  strong 
enough  to  embrace  and  uphold  the  Union  as  it  was,  the  Union  as  it 
is,  and  the  Union  as  it  shall  be  in  the  full  expansion  of  the  ener 
gies  and  capacity  of  this  great  and  progressive  people. 

"  Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  be  forwarded,  through 
the  American  minister  at  Paris,  to  the  National  Convention  of  the 
republic  of  France. 

"Resolved,  That  the  fruits  of  the  great  political  triumph  of  1844, 


APPENDIX.  309 

which  elected  James  K.  Polk  and  George  M.  Dallas  president  and 
vice-president  of  the  United  States,  have  fulfilled  the  hopes  of  the 
democracy  of  the  Union ;  in  defeating  the  declared  purposes  of 
their  opponents  to  create  a  national  bank ;  in  preventing  the  corrupt 
and  unconstitutional  distribution  of  the  land  proceeds,  from  the 
common  treasury  of  the  Union,  for  local  purposes ;  in  protecting 
the  currency  and  the  labor  of  the  country  from  the  ruinous  fluctu 
ations,  and  guarding  the  money  of  the  people  for  the  use  of  the 
people,  by  the  establishment  of  the  constitutional  treasury  ;  in  the 
noble  impulse  given  to  the  cause  of  free  trade,  by  the  repeal  of 
the  tariff  of  1842,  and  the  creation  of  the  more  equal,  honest,  and 
productive  tariff  of  1846 ;  and  that,  in  our  opinion,  it  would  be  a 
fatal  error  to  weaken  the  bands  of  political  organization  by  which 
these  great  reforms  have  been  achieved  —  and  risk  them  in  the 
hands  of  their  known  adversaries,  with  whatever  delusive  appeals 
they  may  solicit  our  surrender  of  that  vigilance  which  is  the  only 
safeguard  of  liberty. 

"Resolved,  That  the  confidence  of  the  democracy  of  the  Union 
in  the  principles,  capacity,  firmness,  and  integrity  of  James  K.  Polk, 
manifested  by  his  nomination  and  election  in  1844,  has  been  sig 
nally  justified  by  the  strictness  of  his  adherence  to  sound  demo 
cratic  doctrines,  by  the  purity  of  purpose,  the  energy  and  ability 
which  have  characterized  his  administration  in  all  our  affairs  at 
home  and  abroad ;  that  we  tender  to  him  our  cordial  congratula 
tions  upon  the  brilliant  success  which  has  hitherto  crowned  his 
patriotic  efforts,  and  assure  him,  in  advance,  that  at  the  expiration 
of  his  presidential  term  he  will  carry  with  him  to  his  retirement 
the  esteem,  respect,  and  admiration  of  a  grateful  country. 

"  Resolved,  That  this  convention  hereby  present  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States  LEWIS  CASS,  of  Michigan,  as  the  candidate  of 
the  democratic  party  for  the  office  of  president,  and  WILLIAM  O. 
BUTLER,  of  Kentucky,  as  the  candidate  of  the  democratic  party 
for  the  office  of  vice-president  of  the  United  States." 


310 


APPENDIX. 


E  E. 

Jl  Statement  of  the  Receipts  of  the  United  States, 


From 
March  4, 
1789,  to 
Dec.  31. 

Customs. 

Internal  reve 
nue. 

Direct  taxes. 

Postage. 

Public  lands. 

1791 

4,399  473  09 

1792 

3,443,070  85 

208,942  81 

1793 

4,255,306  56 

337,705  70 

11  020  51 

1794 

4  801  065  28 

274  089  62 

29  4~8  49 

1795 

5  588  461  26 

337  755  36 

22  400 

1796 

6,567,987  94 

475,289  60 

72  909  84 

4  836  13 

1797 

7  549  649  65 

575  491  45 

64  500 

83  540  60 

1798 

7  106  061  93 

644  357  95 

39  500 

11  963  11 

1799 

6,610  449  31 

779  136  44 

41  000 

1800 
1801 
1802 
1803 
1804 
1805 
1806 
1807 
1808 

9,080,932  73 
10,750,778  93 
12,438,235  74 
10,479,417  61 
11,098,565  33 
12,936,487  04 
14,667,698  17 
15,845,521  61 
16  363  550  58 

809,396  55 
1,048,033  43 
621,898  89 
215,179  69 
50,941  29 
21,747  15 
20,101  45 
13,051  40 
8  210  73 

734,223  97 
534,343  38 
206,565  44 
71,879  20 
50,198  44 
21,882  91 
55,763  86 
34,732  56 
19  159  91 

78,000 
79,500 
35,000 
16,427  26 
26,500 
21,342  50 
41,11767 
3,614  73 

443  75 
167,726  06 
188,628  02 
165,675  69 
487,526  79 
540,193  80 
765,245  73 
466,163  27 
647  939  06 

1809 

7  296  020  58 

4  044  39 

7  517  31 

442  252  33 

1810 

8  583  309  31 

7  430  63 

12  448  68 

696  548  82 

18ft 
1812 
1813 
1814 
1815 
1816 
1817 
1818 
1819 
1820 
1821 
1822 
1823 
1824 

13,313.222  73 
8,958',777  53 
13,224,623  25 
5,998,772  08 
7,282,942  22 
36,306,874  88 
26,283,348  49 
17,176,385 
20,283,608  76 
15,005,612  15 
13,004,447  15 
17,589,761  94 
19,088,433  44 
17  878  325  71 

2,295  95 
4,903  06 
4,755  04 
1,662,984  82 
4,678,059  07 
5,124,708  31 
2,678,100  77 
955,270  20 
229,593  63 
106,260  53 
69,027  63 
67,665  71 
34,242  17 
34  663  37 

7,666  66 
859  22 
3,805  52 
2,219,497  36 
2,162,67341 
4,253,635  09 
1,834,187  04 
264,333  36 
83,650  78 
31,586  82 
29,349  05 
20,961  56 
10,337  71 
6  201  96 

3770 
85,039  70 
35,000 
45,000 
135,000  10 
149,787  74 
29,371  91 
20,070 
71  32 
6,465  95 
51691 
60204 
11069 

1,040,237  53 
710,427  78 
835,655  14 
1,135,971  09 
1,287,959  28 
1,717,985  03 
1,991,226  06 
2,606,564  77 
3,274,422  78 
1,635,871  61 
1,212,96646 
1,803,581  54 
916,523  10 
984  418  15 

1825 
1826 
1827 
1828 
1829 
1830 
1831 
1832 
1833 

20,098,713  45 
23,341,331  77 
19,712,283  29 
23,205,523  64 
22,681,965  91 
21,922,391  39 
24,224,441  77 
28,465,237  24 
29  032  508  91 

25,771  35 
21,589  93 
19,885  68 
17,451  54 
14,502  74 
12,160  62 
6,933  51 
11,63065 
2  759 

2,330  85 
6,638  76 
2,626  90 
2,218  81 
11,335  05 
16,980  59 
10,506  01 
6,791  13 
394  12 

46956 
300  14 
101 
2015 
86  60 
55  13 
56102 
24495 

1,216.090  56 
1,393,785  09 
1,495,845  26 
1,018,308  75 
1.517,175  13 
2,329,356  14 
3,210,815  48 
2,623,381  03 
3  967  682  55 

1834 

16,214,957  15 

4,196  09 

1980 

100 

4,857,600  69 

APPENDIX. 


311 


E  E. 

from  the  &h  of  March,  1789,  to  June  20th,  1847. 


Dividends  and 
sales  of  bank 
stock  and  bo 
nus. 

Miscellaneous, 
including  in 
demnities  and 
Chickasavv 
fund. 

Receipts,  exclu 
sive  of  loans, 
Treasury  notes, 
&c. 

Loans  and 
Treasury  notes, 
&c. 

Total  receipts. 

19  440  10 

4  418  913  19 

5  791  112  56 

10  210  025  75 

8,028 
38,500 
303,472 
160,000 
1,240,000 
385,220 
79,920 
71,040 
71,040 
88,800 
1,327,560 

9,918  65 
10,390  37 
23,799  48 
5,917  97 
16,506  14 
30,379  29 
18,692  81 
45,187  56 
74,712  10 
266,149  15 
177,905  86 
115  518  18 

3,669,960  31 
4,652,923  14 
5,431,904  87 
6,114,534  59 
8,377,529  65 
8,688,780  99 
7,900,495  80 
7,546,813  31 
10,848,749  10 
12,935,330  95 
14,995,793  95 
11  064  097  63 

5,070,806  46 
1,067,701  14 
4,609,196  78 
3,305,268  20 
362,800 
70,135  41 
308,574  27 
5,074,646  53 
1,602,435  04 
10,125 
5,597  36 

8,740,766  77 
5,720,624  28 
10,041,101  65 
9,419,802  79 
8,740,329  65 
8,758,916  40 
8,209,070  07 
12,621,459  84 
12,451,184  14 
12,945,455  95 
15,001,391  31 
11  064  097  63 

112  575  53 

11  826  307  38 

q  532  64 

11  835  840  02 

19  039  80 

13  560  693  20 

128  814  94 

13  689  508  14 

10,004  19 

15,559,931  07 

48  897  71 

15,608,828  78 

34  935  69 

16  398  019  26 

16  398  019  26 

21  802  35 

17  060  661  93 

1  882  16 

17  062  544  09 

23  638  51 

7,773,473  12 

7.773,473  12 

84  476  84 

9  384  214  28 

2  759  992  25 

12  144  206  53 

60  068  52 

14  423  529  09 

8'309  05 

14  431  838  14 

41,125  47 

9,801  132  76 

12  837  900 

22  639  032  76 

236,571 

14,340,409  95 

26  184  435 

40,524,844  95 

119  399  81 

11  181  625  16 

23  377  911  79 

34  559  536  95 

150  282  74 

15  696  916  82 

35  264  320  78 

50  961  237  60 

123,994  61 

47,676,985  66 

9  494  436  16 

57,171,421  82 

202,426  30 
525,000 
675,000 
1,000,000 
105,000 
297500 

80,389  17 
37,547  71 
57,027  10 
54,872  49 
152,072  52 
452  355  15 

33,099,049  74 
21,585,171  04 
24,603,374  37 
17,840,669  55 
14,573,379  72 
20  232  427  94 

734,542  59 
8,765  62 
2,291 
3,040,824  13 
5,000,324 

33,833,592  33 
21,593,936  66 
24,605,665  37 
20,881,493  68 
19,573,703  72 
20  232  4?7  94 

350  000 

141  019  15 

20  540  666  ^6 

20  540  666  26 

350,000 
367,500 
402  500 

127,603  60 
129,982  25 
94  288  52 

19,381,212  79 
21,840,858  02 
25  260  434  21 

5,000,000 
5,000,000 

24,381,212  79 
26,840,858  02 
25  260  434  21 

420  000 

1  315  621  83 

22,966  363  96 

22  966  363  96 

455  000 

65  106  34 

24  763  629  23 

24  763  629  23 

490  000 

112  561  95 

24  827  627  38 

24  827  627  38 

490  000 

73  172  64 

24  844  116  51 

24  844  116  51 

490  000 

583  563  03 

28  526  820  82 

28  526  820  82 

659  000 

99  276  16 

31  865  561  16 

31  865  561  16 

610  285 

334  796  67 

33  948  426  25 

33  948  426  25 

586.649  50 

128.412  32 

21.791.935  55 

21.791.935  55 

312 


APPENDIX. 


A  Statement  of  the  Receipts  of  the  United  States,  from  the 


From 
Dec.  31, 
1834,  to 
Dec.  31, 

1835 
1836 
1837 
1838 
1839 
1840 
1841 
1842 
To  30th 
June, 
1843 
1843-4 
1844-5 
1845-6 
1846-7 

Customs. 

Internal  reve 
nue. 

Direct  taxes. 

Postage. 

Public  lands. 

19,391,310  59 
23,409,940  53 
11,169,290  39 
16,158,800  36 
23,137,924  81 
13,499,502  17 
14,487,216  74 
18,187,908  76 

7,046,843  91 
26,183,570  94 
27,528,112  70 
26,712,667  87 
23,747,864  66 

K),459  48 
370 
5,493  84 
2,467  27 
2,553  32 
1,682  25 
3,261  36 
495 

10325 
1,777  34 
3,517  12 
2,897  26 
375 

4,263  33 
72879 
1,687  70 

893 
1091 

14,757,600  75 
24,877,179  86 
6,776,236  52 
3,081,939  47 
7,076,447  35 
3  292  285  58 

75522 

1,365,627  42 
1,335,797  52 

897,818  11 
2,059,939  80 
2,077  022  30 

::::'::::: 

2,694,4-52  48 
2,498,355  20 

890,817,487  78 

22,277,688  39|12,744,737  56 

1,092,227  52 

122,243,240  52 

APPENDIX. 


313 


4th  of  March,  1789,  to  June  30th,  1847.  (Continued.) 


Dividends  and 
sales  of  bank 
stock  and  bo 
nus. 

Miscellaneous, 
including    in 
demnities  and 
Chickasaw 
fund. 

Receipts,    exclu 
sive    of    loans, 
Treasuiy  notes, 
&c. 

Loans  and 
Treasury  notes, 
&c. 

Total  receipts. 

569,280  82 
328,674  67 
1,375,965  44 
4,542,102  22 

696,279  13 
2,209,891  32 
5,562,190  80 
2,517,252  42 
1,265,068  91 
874,662  28 
331,285  37 
383,895  44 

286,235  99 
1,075,419  70 
828,201  78 
289,950  13 
186,467  91 

35,430,087  10 
50,826,796  08 
24,890,864  69 
26,302,561  74 
30,023,966  68 
19,442,646  08 
16,860,160  27 
19,965,009  25 

8,231,001  26 
29,320,707  78 
29,941,853  90 
29,699,967  74 
26,437,403  16 

35,430,087  10 
50,826,796  08 
27,883,853  84 
39,019,382  60 
*  33,881,242  89 
25,032,193  59 
30,519,477  65 
34,773,744  89 

20,782,410  45 
31,198,555  73 
29,941,853  90 
29,699,967  74 
55,338,168  52 

2,992,989  15 
12,716,820  86 
3,857,276  21 
5,589,547  51 
13,659,317  38 
14,808,735  64 

12,551,409  19 
1,877,847  95 

1,77*4,513  80 
672,769  38 
56,912  53 

5,000 

4,340  39 

28,900,765  36 

21,579,000  05 

21,898,902  50 

1,071,194,477  39 

253,136,287  82 

1,344,330,763  11 

*  $1,458,782  93  deducted  from  the  aggregate  receipts,  as  per  account 
of  the  Treasurer,  No.  76,922. 

27 


314 


APPENDIX. 


E  E. 

Statement  of  the  Expenditures  of  the  United  States,  from  the  4<A 

tfie  Treasury  at  the 


MILITARY  ESTABLISH 

From 
March  4, 
1789,  to 
Dec.  31, 

Civil  list. 

Foreign   inter 
course,  inclu 
ding  awards. 

Miscellaneous. 

Milit'ry  service, 
exclusive   of 
pensions  and 
Indian  dep't. 

Revolutionary 
and  other 
pensions. 

1791 

757,134  45 

14,733  33 

311,533  83 

632,804  03 

175,813  88 

1792 

380,917  58 

78,766  67 

194,572  32 

1,100,702  09 

109,243  15: 

1793 

358,241  08 

89,500             24,709  46 

1,130,249  08 

80,087  81 

1794 

440,946  58 

146,403  51       118,248  30 

2,639,097  59 

81,399  24 

1795 

361,633  36 

912,685  12 

92,718  50 

2,480.910  13 

68,673  22 

1796 

447,139  05 

184,859  64 

150,476  14 

1,260,263  84 

100,843  21 

1797 

483,233  70 

669,788  54 

103,880  82 

1,039,402  66 

92,256  97 

1798 

504,605  17 

457,428  74 

149,004  15 

2,009,522  30j      104,845  33 

1799 

592,905  76 

271,374  11 

175,111  81 

2,466,946  98         95.444  03 

1800 

748,688  45 

395,288  18 

193,636  59 

2,560,878  77 

64,130  73 

1801 

549,288  31 

295,676  73 

269,803  41 

1,672,944  08 

73,533  37 

1802 

596,981  11 

550,925  93 

315,022  36 

1,179,148  25 

85,440  39 

1803 

526,583  12 

1,110,834  77 

205,217  87 

822,055  85 

62,902  10 

1804 

624,795  63 

1,186,655  57 

379,558  23 

875,423  93 

80,092  80 

1805 

585,849  79 

2,798,028  77 

384,720  19 

712,781  28 

81,854  59 

1806 

684,230  53 

1,760,421  30 

445,485  18 

1,224,355  38 

81,875  53 

1807 

655,524  65 

577,826  34 

464,546  52 

1,288,685  91 

70,500 

1808 

691,167  80 

304,992  83 

427,124  98 

2,900,834  40 

82,576  04 

1809 

712,465  13 

166,306  04 

337,032  62 

3,345,772  17 

87,833  54 

1810 

703,99403 

81,367  48 

315,783  47 

2,294,323  94 

83,744  16 

1811 

644,467  27 

264,904  47 

457,919  66 

2,032,828  19 

75,043  88 

1812 

826,271  55 

347,703  29 

509,113  37 

11,817,798  24 

91,402  10 

1813 

780,545  45 

209,941  01 

738,949  15 

19,652,013  02 

86,989  91  1 

1814 

927,424  23 

177,179  97 

1,103,425  50 

20,350,806  86 

90,164  36 

1815 

852,247  16 

290,892  04 

1,755,731  27 

14,794,294  22 

69,656  06 

1816 

1,208,125  77 

364,620  40 

1,416,995 

16,012,096  80 

188,804  15 

1817 

994,556  17 

281,995  97 

2,242,384  62 

8,004,236  53 

297,374  43 

1818 

1,109,55979 

420,429  90 

2,305,849  82 

5,622,715  10 

890,719  90 

1819 

1,142,180  41 

284,113  94 

1,640,917  06 

6,506,300  37 

2,415,939  85 

1820 

1,248,310  05 

253,370  04 

1,090,341  85 

2,630,392  31 

3,208,376  31 

1821 

1,112,292  64 

207,110  75 

903,718  15 

4,461,291  78 

242,817  25 

1822 

1,158,131  58 

164,879  51 

644,985  15 

3,111,981  48 

1,948,19940 

1823 

1,058,911  65 

292,11856 

671,063  78 

3,096,924  43 

1,780,588  52 

1824 

1,336,266  24 

5,140,099  83 

678,942  74 

3,340,939  85 

1,499,326  59 

1825 

1,330,747  24 

371,666  25 

1,046,131  40 

3,659,914  18 

1,308,810  57 

1826 

1,256,745  48 

232,719  08 

1,110,713  23 

3,943,194  37 

1,556,593  83 

1827 

1,228,141  04 

659,211  87 

826,12367 

3,938,977  88 

976,138  86 

1828 

1,455,490  58 

1,001,193  66 

1,219,368  40 

4,145,544  56 

850,573  57 

1829 

1,327,069  36 

207,765  85 

1,566,679  66 

4,724,291  07 

949,594  47 

1830 

1,579,724  64 

294,067  27 

1,363,624  13 

4,767,128  88 

1,363,297  31 

1831 

1,373,755  99 

298,554 

1,392,336  11 

4,841,835  55 

1,170,665  14 

1832 

1,800,757  74 

325,181  07 

2,451,202  64 

5,446,034  88 

1,184,422  40 

1833 

1,562,758  28 

955,395  88 

3,198,091  77 

6,704,019  10 

4,589,15240 

APPENDIX. 


315 


E  E. 

of  March,  1789,  to  June  30,  1847,  and  the  Balances  of  Money  in 
end  of  each  year. 


MKNT. 

.     _ 

Expenditures, 

Balances  in 

Indian  dep't, 

Naval   estab 

exclusive  of 

Public  debt 

Total. 

the  Treasury 

including 

lishment. 

the  public 

at  the  end  of 

Chickasaw 

debt. 

the  year. 

fund. 

27,000 

570 

1,919,589  52 

5,287,949  50 

7,207,539  02 

973,905  75 

13,648  85 

5302 

1,877,903  68 

7,263,665  99 

9,141,569  67 

783,444  51 

27,282  83 

1,710,070  26 

5,819  505  29 

7,529,575  55 

753,661  69 

13,042  46 

61,408  97 

3,500,'546  65 

5  ,'801^578  09 

9!302',124  74 

1,151^924  17 

23,475  68 

410,562  03 

4,350,658  04 

6,084,411  61 

10,435,069  65 

516,442  61 

113,563  98 

274,784  04 

2,531,930  40 

5,835,846  44 

8,367,776  84 

888,995  42 

62,396  38 

382,631  89 

2,833,590  96 

5,792,421  82 

8,626,012  78 

1,021,899  04 

16,470  09 

1,381,347  76 

4,623,223  54 

3,990,294  14 

8,613,517  68 

617,451  43 

20,302  19 

2,858,081  84 

6,480,166  72 

4,596,876  78 

11,077,04350 

2,161,867  77 

3122 

3,448,716  03 

7,411,369  97 

4,578,369  95 

11,989,739  92 

2,623,311  99 

9,000 

2,111,424 

4,981,669  90 

7,291,707  04 

12,273,376  94 

3,295,391 

94,000 

915,561  87 

3,737,079  91 

9,539,004  76 

13,276,084  67 

5,020,697  64 

60,000 

1,215,230  53 

4,002,824  24 

7,256,159  43 

11,258,983  67 

4,825,811  60 

116,500 

1,189,832  75 

4,452,858  91 

8,171,787  45 

12,624,646  36 

4,037,005  26 

196,500 

1,597,500 

6,357,234  62 

7,369,889  79 

13,727,124  41 

3,999,388  99 

234,200 

1,649,641  44 

6,080,209  36 

8,989,884  61 

15,070,093  97 

4,538,123  80 

205,425 

1,722,064  47 

4,984,572  89 

6,307,720  10 

11,292,292  99 

9,643,850  07 

213,575 

1,884,067  80 

6,504,338  85 

10,260,245  35 

16,764,584  20 

9,941,809  96 

337,503  84 

2,427,758  80 

7,414,672  14 

6,452,554  16 

13,867,226  30 

3,848,056  78 

177,625 

1,654,244  20 

5,311,082  28 

8,008,904  46 

13,319,986  74 

2,672,276  57 

151,875 

1,965,566  39 

5,592,604  86 

8,009,204  05|  13,601,808  91 

3,502,305  80 

277,845 

3,959,365  15 

17,829,498  70 

4,449,622  45122,279,121  15 

3,862,217  41 

167,358  28 
167,394  86 

6,446,600  10 
7,311,290  60 

28,082,396  92 
30,127,686  38 

11,108,1234439,190,52036 
7,900,543  94  38,028,230  32 

5,196,542 
1,727,848  63 

530,750 
274,512  16 
319,463  71 

505,704  27 

8,660,000  25 
3,908,278  30 
3,314,598  49 
2,953,695 

26,953,571 
23,373,432  58 
15,454,609  92 
13,808,673  78 

12,628,922  35  39,582,493  35 
24,871,062  93  48,244,495  51 
25,423,036  12(40,877,646  04 
21,296,201  62  35,104,875  40 

13,106,592  88 
22,033,519  19 
14,989,465  48 
1,478,526  74 

463,181  39 
315,750  01 
477,005  44 
575,007  41 

380,781  82 

3,847,640  42 
4,387,990 
3,319,243  06 

2,224,458  98 
2,503,765  83 

16,300,273  44   7,703,926  29124,004,199  73 
13,134,530  57    8,628,494  28  21,763,024  85 
10,723,479  07   8,367,093  62  19,090,572  69 
9?827,643  51    7,848,949  12  17,676,592  63 
9,784,154  59   5,530,016  41|15,314,171 

2,079,992  38 
1,198,461  21 
1,681,592  24 
4,237,427  55 
9,463,922  81 

429,987  90 

2,904,581  56 

15,330,144  71 

16,568,393  76131,898,538  47 

1,946,597  13 

724,106  44 

3,049,083  86 

11,490.459  94 

12,095,344  78|23,5a5,804  72 

5,201,65043 

743,447  83 

4,218,902  45 

13,062,316  27 

11,041,08219!24,103,39846 

6,358,686  18 

760,624  88 

4,263,877  45 

12,653,095  65  10,003,668  39122,656,764  04 

6,668,286  10 

705,084  24 
576,344  74 

3,918,786  44 
3,308,745  47 

13,296,04145112,163,43807 
12,660,490  62)12,383,867  78 

25,459,479  52 
25,044,358  40 

5,972,435  81 
5,755,704  79 

622/262  47 

3,239,428  63 

13,229,533  33111,3-55,748  22 

24,585,281  55 

6,014,539  75 

930,738  04 

3,856,183  07 

13,864,067  90 

16,174,378  22 

30,038,446  12 

4,502,914  45 

1,352,419  75 
1,802,980  93 

3,956,370  29 
3,901,356  75 

16,516,388  77 
22,713,755  11 

17,840,309  29  34,356,698  06 
1,543,543  38)24,257,298  49 

2,011,77755 
11,702,905  31 

316 


APPENDIX. 


Jl  Statement  of  the.  Expenditures  of  the  United  States,  from  the  <Wi 

the  Treasury  at  the  end 


MILITARY  ESTABLISH 

From 
Dec.  31, 
1833,  to 
Dec.  31, 

Civil  list. 

Foreign  inter 
course,  inclu 
ding  awards. 

Miscellaneous. 

Milit'ry  service, 
exclusive  of 
pensions  and 
Indian  dep't. 

Revolutionary 
and  other 
pensions. 

1834 

2,080,601  60 

241,562  35 

2,082,565 

5,696,189  38 

3,364,285  30 

1835 

1,905,551  51 

774,750  28 

1,549,396  74 

5,759,156  89 

1,954,711  32 

1836 

2,110,175  47 

533,382  65 

2,749,721  60 

12,169,226  64 

2,882,797  96 

1837 

2,357,0a5  94 

4,603,905  40 

2,932,428  93 

13,682,730  80 

2,672,162  45 

1838 

2,688,708  56 

1,215,095  52 

3,256,860  68 

12,897,224  16 

2,156,057  29 

1839 

2,116,982  77 

987,667  92 

2,621,340  20 

8,916,995  80 

3,142,750  51 

1840 

2,736,769  31 

683,278  15 

2,575,351  50 

7,095,267  23 

2,603,562  17 

1841 

2,556,471  79 

428,410  57 

3,505,999  09 

8,801,610  24 

2,388,434  51 

1842 

2,905,041  65 

563,191  41 

3,307,391  55 

6,610,438  02 

1,378,931  33 

To  30th 

June, 

1843 

1,222,422  48 

400,566  04 

1,579,724  48 

2,908,671  95 

839,041  12 

1843-4 

2,454,958  15 

636,079  66 

2,554,146  05 

5,218,183  66 

2,032,008  99 

1844-5 

2,369,652  79 

702,637  22 

2,839,470  97 

5,746,291  28 

2,400,788  11 

1845-6 

2,532,232  92 

409,292  55 

3,769,758  42 

10,413,370  58 

1,811,097  56 

1846-7 

2,570,338  44 

405,079  10 

3,910,190  81 

35,840,030  33 

1,744,883  63 

71,327,748  97 

37,683,877  03 

74,627,140  80 

338,998,049  27 

59,969,254  10 

APPENDIX. 


317 


of  March,   1789,  to   June  30,   1847,  and  the.  Balances  of  Money  in 
of  each  year.  (Continued.) 


MENT. 

Naval  estab 
lishment. 

Expenditures, 
exclusive  of 
the  public 
debt. 

Public  debt. 

Total. 

Balances  in 
the  Treasury 
at  the  end  of 
each  year. 

Indian  dep't., 
including 
Chickasaw 
fund. 

1,003,953  20 
1,706,444  48 
4,615,141  49 
4,348,036  19 
5,504,191  34 
2,528,917  28 
2,331,794  86 
2,514,837  12 
1,199,099  68 

578,371 
1,256,532  39 
1,539,351  35 
1,027,693  64 
1,430,411  30 

3,956,260  42 
3,864,939  06 
5,807,718  23 
6,646,914  53 
6,131,580  53 
6,182,294  25 
6,113,89689 
6,001,076  97 
8,397,242  95 

3,727,711  53 
6,498,199  11 
6,297,177  89 
6,455,013  92 
7,900,635  76 

18,425,417  25 
17,514,950  28 
30,868,164  04 
37,243,214  24 
33,849,718  08 
26,496,948  73 
24,139,920  11 
26,196,840  29 
24,361,336  59 

11,256,508  60 
20,650,108  01 
21,895,369  61 
26,418,459  59 
53,801,569  37 

6,176,565  19 
58,191  28 

24,601,982  44 
17,573,141  56 
30,868,16404 
37,265,037  15 
39,455,438  35 
37,614,936  15 
28,226,533  81 
31,797,530  03 
32,936,876  53 

12,118,105  15 
33,642,010  85 
30,490,408  71 
27,632,282  90 
60,520,851  74 

8,892,858  42 
26,749,803  96 
46,708,436 
37,327,252  69 
36,891,196  94 
33,157,503  68 
29,963,163  46 
28,685,111  08 
30,521,979  44 

39,186,284  74 
36,742,829  62 
36,194,274  81 
38,261,959  65 
33,079,276  43 

21,822  91 
5,605,720  27 
11,117,987  42 
4,086,613  70 
5,600,689  74 
8,575,539  94 

861,596  55 
12,991,902  84 
8,595,039  10 
1,213,823  31 
6,719,282  37 

46,800,944  41 

200,585,95202 

829,992,966  70i  481,258,522  08 

1,311,251,488  78 

27* 


318 


APPENDIX. 


F  F. 


Defalcations  of  the  United  States  Treasury,  from  1789  to  1837.* 


1 

U-s 

Whole  loss  each 

Amount  of  duties 

if  I 

four  years. 

each  four  years. 

c  §  " 

**»  q) 

From  March  4 

,         March  4, 

6 

!<i- 

1789 

to     1793 

10 

686  46 

12,097,850  50 

.0056 

1793 

1797 

125 

82,359  84 

24,552,164  13 

.0033 

1797 

1801 

148 

85,179  98 

33,548,222  90 

.0025 

1801 

1805 

150 

61,872  69 

46,952,705  72 

.0013 

1805 

1809 

208 

122,478  51 

54,172,790  94 

.0022 

1809 

1813 

263 

374,654  23 

44,079,932  82 

.0084 

1813 

1817 

446 

688,836  51 

75,871,937  6? 

.009065 

1817 

1821 

488 

880,111  67 

65,470,053  06 

.01344 

1821 

182o 

431 

1,568,476  17 

74,655,234  54 

.02100 

1825 

1829 

457 

2,278,558  47 

88,941,104  61 

.0256 

1829 

1833 

209 

299,798  51 

103,644,579  31 

.002892 

1833 

1837 

1,307 

1,305,305  45 

70,185,498  66 

.01859 

Total,  

4,242 

$7,748,318  89 

$694,172,034  86 

.0111 

Total  amount  of  duties  collected, 
Number  indebted, 
Total  loss, 


$694,172,034  86 

4,242 

$7,748,318  89 


*  See  Document  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  January  14,  1839  — 
Twenty-sixth  Congress,  first  session,  Vol.  I.  Doc.  10. 


APPENDIX.  319 


GG. 

The  receipts  in  specie  from  the  1st  January,  1847,  to  the  30th 
June,  1848,  amounted  to $71,044,840  16 

The  disbursements  in  specie  from  the  1st  January,  1847,  to  the 

30th  June,  1848,  amounted  to $73,689,883  72 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT, 
Register's  Office,  August  10,   1848. 

DANIEL   GRAHAM,  Register. 


HH. 

Statement  of  the  amount  of  coinage  at  the  mint  of  the  United 
States  and  branches,  from  1st  January,  1847,  to  30th  June,  1848. 

Amount  of  coinage  during  the  year  1847,     .     .     $22,657,671  69 
From  1st  January  to  30th  June,  1848,      ....     2,576,258  87 

$25,233,930  56 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT, 
Register  s  Office,  August  7,  1848. 

DANIEL   GRAHAM,  Register. 


II. 


We  give  the  following  extract  from  an  able  address,  by  Judge 
Woodbury,  on  "  the  remedies  for  certain  defects  in  American  edu 
cation  : "  — 

"  Commerce,  free  and  unshackled,  supplies  wants,  comforts,  and 
luxuries,  whether  to  the  savage  or  civilized,  and  whether  near  at 
hand  or  at  the  antipodes ;  and,  in  this  way,  by  rendering  the  sur 
plus  productions  of  all  countries  more  valuable  in  exchange,  it 
helps  to  excite,  encourage,  and  reward  the  very  highest  exertions 


APPENDIX. 

of  both  body  and  niind.  It  thus  aids  to  educate  all  in  most  impor 
tant  particulars.  It  rouses  industry  in  the  indolent  j  animates  the 
torpid  to  enterprise  ;  expands  the  views  of  the  recluse  ;  civilizes 
the  roughest,  and  inspires  rivalship  in  the  most  sluggish.  It  assists 
to  propagate  new  opinions  and  a  new  faith,  under  both  the  equator 
and  the  poles ;  fertilizes  every  region  not  covered  with  eternal 
snows ;  and  pushing  human  improvement  in  all  its  varied  forms, 
penetrates  remotest  seas,  and  crosses  the  Andes,  the  Alps,  and  the 
Himalayan,  almost  as  daringly  as  the  Alleghanies.  The  moderns 
have  hardly  done  justice  to  former  ages  in  relation  to  their  immense 
inland  trade,  enlightening  and  civilizing  wherever  it  spread  — 
whether  up  the  Nile  from  Egypt,  or  into  the  remotest  Ind  from  Tyre, 
and  thence  from  Carthage  to  distant  Britain,  and  in  time  over 
reaching  the  Atlantides,  discovering,  under  the  more  adventurous 
Genoese,  a  new  continent,  and  gradually  pervading  the  whole  west 
ern  hemisphere. 

"  The  moderns  have,  to  be  sure,  since  entered  the  farthest  isles  of 
the  Pacific,  and  are  exploring  the  ice  of  both  poles ;  but  it  is  prob 
able  they  at  last  must  sigh  that  there  are  no  more  worlds  to  find  and 
civilize  which  are  worth  the  search. 

"  One  illustration  of  the  enterprise  and  educating  character  of 
commerce,  when  free,  has  recently  come  under  my  own  eye,  that 
may  not  be  without  interest  to  you  in  connection  with  this  topic. 

"  During  the  last  autumn,  in  a  small  town  in  the  interior  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  I  found  American  lead,  which  had  been  dug,  partly  by 
Yankee  industry  and  adventure,  in  the  remote  wilderness  of  Wis 
consin  or  Missouri.  The  same  industry  and  adventure  had  not 
only  helped  to  dig,  but  had  transported  it  through  the  active  chan 
nels  of  commerce,  a  circuit  of  more  than  two  thousand  miles  from 
the  mighty  west  to  the  rocky  east ;  and  that  on  routes  unknown,  but 
a  few  years  ago,  to  any  thing  but  the  fearless  hunter  or  the  birchen 
canoe.  Fed  partly  by  meat  from  the  same  distant  source,  and  corn 
from  the  south,  and  flour  from  the  middle  States,  (fruits  of  the  same 
commercial  enterprise,)  they  were  zealously  occupied  in  making 
this  lead  into  wat°r  pipes  for  operations  still  more  distant,  and  not  a 
little  extraordinary. 

"  What,  think  you,  was  to  be  one  of  their  principal  markets  ? 
Some  of  this  lead  was  manufacturing  by  special  order,  to  be  freight 
ed  again,  under  the  same  Yankee  perseverance,  not  merely  two 
thousand  miles,  but  nearly  half  the  circumference  of  the  globe.  It 


APPENDIX.  321 

was  to  double  the  stormy  Cape  Horn,  twice  cross  the  equator,  and 
find  its  pathless  way  over  new  seas  into  the  remote  Sandwich 
Islands.  And  for  what  use  ? 

"  To  advance  again,  as  a  labor-saving  machine,  the  commercial 
interests  of  the  same  spirit  which  had  untiringly  explored  the  forests 
whence  the  raw  material  was  obtained.  It  was  in  the  form  of  pipes, 
to  conduct  water  more  cheaply  and  conveniently  on  board  our  whale 
ships,  which  with  others  resort  so  frequently  to  those  islands  for 
their  necessary  supplies. 

"  The  mode  of  paying  for  it  evinces  with  perhaps  greater  strength 
the  instructive  influence  of  commerce.  It  was  to  be  paid  for  by 
taking  in  exchange,  partly  sugar,  cotton,  and  oil,  the  products  of 
new  native  labor  and  skill,  among  a  people  not  long  before  (scarce 
two  thirds  of  a  century)  barbarous  in  the  extreme,  and  murdering 
the  immortal  navigator  who  first  discovered  and  blessed  them  with 
some  elements  of  civilization.  But  now,  under  the  teaching  and 
stimulants  of  commerce  —  transporting  thither,  as  every  where  else 
over  the  whole  habitable  globe  —  the  new  sense  of  duty  inspired  by 
the  religion  of  the  cross,  they  are  advanced  somewhat  in  letters, 
agriculture,  and  the  arts,  as  well  as  engaging  considerably  in  com 
merce  itself." 


322 


APPENDIX. 


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